Contents:

In Das Ausland. "Die Insel Formosa im Chinesischen Meer" [The island Formosa in the Chinese sea]
[Beazeley, M.]"Reiseskizzen aus dem südlichen Formosa" [Travel sketches from southern Formosa]
Biernatzki, [K.L.] "Zur Kunde der Insel Formosa" [Concerning the knowledge about the island Formosa].
--- "Die Insel Formosa" [The island Formosa].
Eismann, G. "Beschreibung der Nordküste von Formosa" [Description of Formosa's north coast]
Fischer, Adolf. "Formosa."
Friedel, Ernst. "Bericht über Arnold Schetelig's Reise in Formosa" [Report on Arnold Schetelig's voyage in Formosa].
In Globus. "Bei den Wilden auf Formosa" [The savages on Formosa]
---. "Kopfjagden auf Formosa" [Scalping on Formosa].
Haberlandt, M. "Die Eingeborenen der Kapsulan-Ebene von Formosa"[The aborigines of the Kapsulan plain of Formosa].
Hirth, Friedrich. "Aufzeichnungen über die Wilden Formosas" [Records concerning the wild people of Formosa].
Honda, Seiroku. "Eine Besteigung des Mount Morrison auf der Insel Formosa" [An ascent of Mount Morrison on the island Formosa].
Ino, Kakyo. "Die wilden Stämme von Formosa, ihre Einteilung und ihr Kulturzustand" [The wild tribes of Formosa; their classification and their cultural state].
Joest, Wilhelm. "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Eingebornen der Inseln Formosa und Ceram" [Contributions to the knowledge on the aborigines of the islands of Formosa and Ceram].
Kurze, G. "Missionar G. Edes Reise durch das östliche Formosa" [Missionary G. Ede's travels through eastern Formosa].
---. "Missionar G. Edes Reise durch das östliche Formosa" [Missionary G. Ede's travels through eastern Formosa].
Lange, R. "Eine wissenschaftliche Gessellschaft in Taiwan (Formosa)" [A scientific society in Taiwan].
Le Monnier, Franz Ritter von "Die Insel Formosa" [The island Formosa].
MacKay, G.L. "Unter den Aboriginalstämmen Formosas" [Among the aboriginal trives of Formosa].
Maron, Hermann. Ein Besuch in Amoy und auf der Insel Formosa" A visit ot Amoy and the island of Formosa].
Müller, W. "Uber die Wildenstämme der Insel Formosa" [Concerning the savage tribes on the island Formosa].
Panchow, Hellmuth. "Die Bevölkerung Formosas" [The population of Formosa].
Plaut, Hermann. "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Insel Formosa" [contributions to the knowledge on the island Formosa].
Richthofen, Ferdinand Freiherrn von. "Ueber den Gebirgsbau an der Nordküste von Formosa" [On the mining on Formosa's north coast].
---. "Uber eine Reise durch Formosa im Jahr 1900" [On a voyage in Formosa in the year 1900].
Riess, Ludwig. "Geschichte der insel Formosa" [History of the island Formosa].
Ruhstrat, E. "Geschichtliche Notiz über die Insel Formosa" [A note about the island Formosa].
Schetelig, A. "Mittheilungen über die Sprache der Ureinwohner Formosa" [Notes on the languages of Formosa's aborigines].
Schuhmacher, Rob. "Formosa und seine Gebirgsbewohner" [Formosa and it's mountain inhabitants].
---. "Eine Reise zu den Tschin-huan in Formosa" [A voyage to the Tschin-huan in Formosa].
Seubert. "Aus Formosa."
Stöpel, K. Th. Eine Reise in das Innere der Insel Formosa und die erste Besteigung des Niitakayama (Mount Morrison) [A voyage into the interior of the island of Formosa and the first ascent of Niitakayama (Mount Morrison)].
Swinhoe, Robert. "Ein Besuch der Insel Formosa" [A visit to the island Formosa].
Tamai, Kisak. "Die Erforschung des Tschinwan-Gebietes auf Formosa durch die Japaner" [The exploration of the Tschinwan terrirory on Formosa by the Japanese].
Warburg, [O.] "Uber seine Reisen in Formosa (12 October 1889)7quot; [On his travels in Formosa].
Wirth, Albrecht. "Die eingeborner Stämme auf Formosa und den Liu-kiu" [The aboriginal tribes on Formosa and Liu-kiu].
Yamasaki, N. "Ein Besuch in den Kopfjägerdörfern auf Formosa" [A visit to the scalp-hunter villages on Formosa].

"Die Insel Formosa im Chinesischen Meer" [The island Formosa in the Chinese sea]. Das Ausland 1872, No. 17 (22 April 1872): 402-405; No. 18 (29 April 1872): 427-429; No. 20 (13 May 1872): 463-468; No. 24 (10 June 1872): 558-561.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

The writer of the article begins by describing the history, geography and population of Formosa. Following that, the author provides a summary (and at times direct translation) of several travelers' reports. The author's main source was Dr Joseph Bechtinger's Het eiland in de chineesche zee (Batavia: Bruining et Wyt, 1871). The entire article is markedly dramatized; mild descriptions are criticized and the natives depicted as the prototype of the bloodthirsty savage. The wording is uncommonly derogatory in nature.

Before the author starts his introductory survey of information on Formosa, he bemoans the fact that the island is still an unknown region to most readers. The only interest the western press has taken in the island since the Dutch had to leave in the 17th Century are the regular reports on murder of shipwrecked sailors. Only recently the crew of the "Rover" was killed by members of the wild "Koa-lut" tribe. The author describes the treaty that the American ambassador Le Gendre negotiated with the chief "Tok-e-tok" in 1867. The treaty secured the lives of those shipwrecked in the territory of the "Eighteen Tribes."

Next, the author looks back and evaluates the efforts of the Dutch to civilize the natives. He sees the Dutch rule as the most beneficial time for the island, and laments the ending of their colony. He then describes the events leading up to Coxinga's victory, including the details; he emphasizes the heroic part the Dutch priest Hambroek played in those battles.

The author ends the first part with an elaborate description of the island's geography, including potential resources for economical exploitation. He also briefly gives examples of Formosan animal diversity.

The second part of the article concentrates on the natives of Formosa. The author constructs the original population as ideal childlike savages. The Dutch were able to enhance their good qualities and lead them towards a civilized life, but when the colonists had to leave, the savages not only forgot the progress they had made, but even degenerated. The hostility of pirates and Chinese in the next centuries did nothing to stop this development. The author briefly discusses the idea of native populations becoming extinct in areas of Western influence, but finds it hard to draw a conclusion in the case of Formosa, as there is no data available.

Next, the article turns to the aboriginal character. The author states the impossibility of dividing the natives into "civilized" and "uncivilized," as all of them are barbarians. Yet he recognizes the existence of a number of tributary tribes more inclined towards agricultural pursuits. The remaining tribes are vagrant hunters and gatherers with wild temperaments, of which he gives some examples: for instance, the hostile reception, with poisoned arrows, of the English warship "Cormorant," or the above mentioned murder of the "Rover" crew. In the North he mentions the "The-wan," 'rough savages' [Ed. note: Che-hoan in some texts]. These impressions, together with the failed expeditions, effectively have inhibited serious exploring of unknown regions. Although various ships have sailed along the coasts, they usually have preferred to land only near Chinese settlements.

Before the author turns to Bechtinger's writing, he gives brief overviews of several other travel reports. The first he describes is Captain Brooker's voyage on the "Inflexible" in 1855, with orders to research the fate of a shipwrecked crew. Brooker started in "Tamsui" and worked his way down the west coast of the island and then up the east coast. The only episode the author writes about in any detail is Brooker's questioning of Chinese fishermen in "Chok-e-dai" [alt. "Tshok-e-dä"]. Brooker asked them about the native habitations they had seen, and learned that the population in the vicinity of "Chok-e-dai" was 4000.

Count Moriz August Benjowsky's travels in 1771 are discussed next. The count had escaped from a Siberian prison and traveled back to Europe via Formosa. His experiences were adventurous, and his dealings with the aborigines very violent. Several episodes are described in which the blood-thirsty count viciously murdered natives. In one village, the count met the shipwrecked Spaniard Hieronimo Pachéco, who had lived there for eight years. The Spaniard declined the count's offer to take him back to Europe, as he was quite happy with his life among the natives.

The author then turns to the "half-castes," and perambulates in dubious racial theories on worthiness and unworthiness of this third part of Formosa's population. He concludes that both Chinese and savages are of low quality, but the crossbreeds failed to receive even the best parts of their dual ancestry. Although the native will bring the girl of his choice scalps and presents to honor her, the author states that she will still prefer a Chinese.

The next section consists of a summary of the anonymous article "Visit to Tok-e-Tok, chief of the eighteen tribes," Overland China Mail Vol. 27, No. 475 (22 February 1871): 30-31. [Ed. note: Thomas Frances Hughes was probably the author of this text.] The unknown writer had the chance of joining Mr. Pickering of the firm Elles and Company on a visit to "Tok-e-tok" in the south of Formosa after another shipwrecked crew had been found by his tribe. The chief had treated the castaways well and at once sent for Pickering, who was known and respected among the natives. Although the European members of the crew all had died in the shipwreck, the owners of the ship sent representatives with Pickering to retrieve the "Pei-po-hwans." Pickering left "Takow" on November 12, 1870 on a fishing boat, sailing southwards down the West Coast. After coming to the village "Hong-kang," the group left the boat and continued the journey on foot. The villagers residing in Hong-kang traded with nearby natives and "half-castes," especially firewood and stag horns. As Pickering and his companions drew near to "Loong-kiao," the Chinese servants grew more and more nervous because of natives hunting near the city. Further to the south, the village "Hia-liao" marks the end of Chinese settlement. [Hughes] describes scenery and crops that they passed along the way. The expedition came across native dwellings, which seemed almost buried by leaves and are hard to see. Inside, the huts were tidy and well equipped. As they continued their journey, the population reminded [Hughes] less and less of Chinese peoples. In the evening they reached the Pacific Ocean and the territory of "Tok-e-tok." The landscape now was completely uncultivated. Although the chief was away mediating a quarrel (and most of the inhabitants were on a hunting trip), the travelers were welcomed and led to the surviving crew. The next thing mentioned is the ecstatic rage of one aborigine male, who went berserk for no reason. This was not seen as typical by the writer, who explicitly stated that they were treated with respect and cordiality during the entire visit as a contrast to this outburst. The author of the summary in Ausland doubts the judgment of [Hughes], as he thinks the rage was in accordance with other reports on native behavior.

This author subsequently turns to the dramatic adventure of Bechtinger, who undertook a visit to Formosa while he traveled to China. Bechtinger started his journey into the interior of the island from "Tamsui," whose main staple, he claimed, was opium. Bechtinger traveled on the "Tamsui" river to "Bangka," and the trip went slowly as the only ship he could find was quite large. After finally arriving in "Bangka," he still had to quarrel with the crew of the boat about their payment. After an old man mediated (and also wanted money), Bechtinger finally left "Bangka" on a smaller boat, as the river had grown even less deep. Until such a boat was found, Bechtinger spent the time looking around "Bangka," he related the great festivities of a boat launch. Otherwise he noted the uniformity of the buildings, which he called typically Chinese.

After "Bangka" the scenery along the river changed to hills and mountains, and ten hours southeast of Bangka, Bechtinger and crew reached the independent town of "Tsing-tam-kai" where they left the boat behind. There Bechtinger's guide from "Tamsui" departed after first finding him a local guide who knew more about the area. His name was "Ling-Ching," and he was an old man, but sturdy. Bechtinger had brought presents for the aborigines: glass beads, pigs and alcohol. He describes the mode of production for the popular Formosan brew. After crossing [this southeast branch of] the "Tamsui" river again, the landscape became wilder. Later on they reached the village "Takui," known for its indigo production. There the group could not be lodged, and rather than spend the night outside, they had to continue to a settlement of camphor exploiters further up stream. At this point in the text, the author explained the process of camphor extraction in detail. Bechtinger did not trust these settlers and was glad to leave them after he explored their business for a day.

From this village Bechtinger left alone, shouldering the gifts and exploring the far end of the valley, where the territory of the natives started. He did not remain unnoticed for long; a strange cry followed him all through the valley. To resolve any doubts as to the peacefulness of his purpose, he started waving his red shirt and motioning with the presents as he moved along. The cries continued, but two native women made their way to him. They were delighted to see the pigs, and seemed to understand Bechtinger's gestures, as he tried to signify with gestures his intent of giving them to some chief. The women took Bechtinger on their shoulders in order to cross the river, and after they reached the other side, they were welcomed with more and louder cries. The women started running along, up into the hills, and Bechtinger followed as fast as he could. By and by the three were joined by other native men, women and children. The pace of travel was so fast that, when they finally reached a dirty settlement, Bechtinger felt close to fainting. The village was situated on a beautiful, high plateau, and the arrival of the stranger caused the inhabitants to flock around him.

Bechtinger next described the physical appearance of the aborigines. He found little that was pleasing about these people, depicting them as rather scary looking. One characteristic he disliked especially was their habit of opening their eyes so wide that a lot of the white could be seen, reminding him of maniacs. They were of medium height, well proportioned, and with hair that was not as black as Malay hair and softer than Mongolian hair. He compared their faces to the Indian race, which he found displeasing. Their teeth were healthy and their lips thick.

He gave an account of their tattoos and described several patterns he saw on men and women. Their jewelry consisted of cheap beads and fake pearls, and clothing was simple and consisted mostly of natural cloth, except for a winter garment made from calico.

Bechtinger claimed that the origin of these Natives was to be found in the Malay family. Here in the text, the author quoted from the 17th-century Dutch writer, Valentyn, who had explained the differences among the several aborigine dialects. The author then mentioned "Favorlang" and "Sakam," giving credit to Gabelentz and Klaproth for their extensive research on the Formosan language. Bechtinger, however, saw the Formosans as related closer to the Polynesians.

Turning back to Bechtinger's description, the final events of his visit are described. While the population of the village stood and stared, a person of authority (which Bechtinger took to be the chief) came up to him, took the pig and after killing it, started cutting it up and eating it raw. While the inhabitants had to watch hungrily, Bechtinger declined to take part in the meal. He did have to join the chief in the traditional Formosan friendship drink, in which two people drink alcohol from the same cup, mouth to mouth, a ceremony that was very important and thus repeated several times during his stay.

Bechtinger had to share lodgings with the chief. The huts were made from bamboo or clay, with two windows and doors. The furniture was made of bamboo, or tree trunks caved out by fire. Decorations consisted of scalps and weapons.

Bechtinger then explained the process and importance of scalp hunting for the savages, which he compared to practices of the Sunda-islanders or the Dajak of Borneo.

Toward the end of this article, the author describes the dilemma Bechtinger found himself in. Even though he had entered the village without problems, is was hardly likely the natives would let him leave as he wanted to. He worried about his escape, and found an opportunity to get away unnoticed after a burial ceremony, which was followed by revelry and general drunkenness. The chief came up to him and again made Bechtinger take part in the friendship drink, at which time Bechtinger took care not to swallow. Soon the chief, already quite drunk, fell to the ground unconscious. Bechtinger stole away, leaving the aborigines dancing ecstatically to the cues of priestesses around the fire. Although it took some time for them to notice his absence, the natives almost caught up to him in spite of their drunkenness. Bechtinger only saved himself by jumping from a cliff into the river and swimming out of their territory. The natives stayed behind angry, and Bechtinger finally reached civilized areas after wandering for hours. He found the northern arm of the "Tamsui" river, on which he sailed north [northeast] until he came to "Kelung."

The article closes with a description of this harbor and a quote by Bechtinger, stating that he wished Formosa could become a Western colony so that the beauty of the island could be cultivated. He even thought about growing old on the "Beautiful Island" like Pachéco.

[Beazeley, M.] "Reiseskizzen aus dem südlichen Formosa" [Travel sketches from southern Formosa]. Das Ausland lviii (1885): 421-426; 448-453; 470-474.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

This article is the transcript of a lecture by the civil engineer M. Beazeley, who spoke on his voyage to the south cape of Formosa in 1875 to the Royal Geographical Society in London on 24 November 1884. The article introduces the topic by stating the recently growing importance of Formosa. Following Beazeley's lecture, the rest of the meeting is described, with reactions and comments by fellow members and other travelers, such as Collingwood. They often relate some small part of their voyage and point to certain facts that Beazeley didn't state or phenomena that were different where they traveled.

Beazeley worked for the Chinese administration, building lighthouses in difficult places, like the Pescadores. He had been ordered to measure and buy land on in South Cape, Formosa to construct a lighthouse there. Beazeley and members of his group set out in 1875 from "Ta-kow." Beazeley first declared his hopes for European domination of the island, as colonization would lead to more exact studies of the island, which is still fairly unknown. He then gave a rather lengthy account of the nations that have had dealings with the island and described the main historical development of Formosa. Next, he wrote about the main geographical features and mountain range. Beazeley turned to the insufficiency of the open harbors. As they all had important drawbacks, which he explained in detail for the four main ones, the trade with Formosa had to go by way of Amoy. One of the reasons for the lack of harbors was the rising of the island. There had been no exact studies about the phenomena, but from documents it was clear that places currently in the interior used to be on the coast or even islands. Beazeley quoted Collingwood, who described his own impressions of this phenomena. Finally, before describing his own voyage, Beazeley shortly gave some information on the Pescadores.

The group traveling from "Ta-kow" consisted of Mr. H.D. Brown (the customs official of "Ta-kow"); Mr. Hastings, the undersecretary of customs; a young Mandarin, the secretary of the Tao-tai of Formosa; and Beazeley. Accompanying them were the author's servant, Hasting's cook, 22 porters, two extra porters carrying the mechanical instruments, two rowers, eight more porters for food and luggage, and one soldier -- all together 41 people. Because of the season, they had to travel overland. They left "Ta-kow" on 18 June 1875. Throughout the lecture, Beazeley remained impressed by the landscapes they had passed through and thus spent a good amount of time describing the nature he saw. After having been carried through a jungle, they reached the beach, where the wind brought more temperate weather. They rested in a small fishing village called "Siau-tika" to let the porters rest. The company later continued to "Twa-na-pu", a larger village where they were stared at by masses of naked children. Another village they passed was "Oh-tschin", which seemed to Beazeley rather wealthy and clean. After further wandering, they crossed over to "Tan-kang" in a ferry at five o'clock. A merchant hosted them, and as was usual, offered his own bedroom to them. "Tan-kang was a lively city of 6-7000 inhabitants.

On 19 June, the group had wanted to leave around midnight, but were held up by long discussions with the servants. In the end the company left around 5 a.m. On the way they passed native farmers with oxcarts with enormous wheels. At about 9.30, the company reached the beach across from the island "Lambay." They followed the coast for several miles until they arrived in the village "Pang-liau." There Beazeley ate in a beautiful yamen, while the porters rested. The company continued following the coast, drawing near to the hills. On the way they passed several Chinese military camps, as the native territory was close and its inhabitants were at war with the Chinese. In the settlement "Tscha-tong-ka" they met general Wang, whose headquarters were located there. The Mandarin announced their arrival, and they were taken care of by a Mandarin named Tschoh, in whose yamen the expedition stayed. He continued with the group towards South Cape later on, and was very popular with Beazeley, who praised him several times in the article. An important asset of Tschoh was that he was a good photographer.

In the six months since the Japanese had left Formosa, the Chinese army had been fighting the rebellious natives. The army had been so successful that several tribes now subjected themselves to the Chinese, and that same day one hundred natives had come to the camp to cut their hair, a form of surrender. Beazeley and Brown were accompanied by an escort of eight men when they took a bath in a mountain creek. The night passed peacefully, and the next morning, 20 June, they left with Tschoh. From the hills they descended towards the sea again. On the way they passed through a village of native fishermen, the houses seemingly were deserted or at least not inhabited at that time, as Beazeley didn't mention any people. After passing through a high plain, they finally came to "Hong Kong," a mere collection of grass huts, in the evening. The travelers stayed with the leading official of the place. Most of the women they saw were native women who had married Chinese; Beazeley found them pleasing. A couple of hours later they departed and followed a pathway through a magnificent jungle, with which Beazeley was very impressed. Tschoh had become very tired, and needed to be carried, too, instead of riding up front. He was sent on to "Tschai-tschêng" before the others. Before the main part of the group arrived in the city, they rested in a deserted native village, where the huts consisted partly of stone walls and partly of wooden walls. Drawing near to the village they met natives for the first time. The aborigines were armed with long knives, and bows and arrows. In the late afternoon they arrived in "Tschai-tschêng," where they stayed in Tschoh's house. This town was the last Chinese settlement near the cape, and, thus, well fortified. When the Japanese landed on Formosa in 1874, they had been trapped there until they left the island. The company put up tents on a plain near the northern edge, was scrubbed and cleaned first, as they found the town very dirty and displeasing. That night, two mandarins came to confer with Beazeley, and they decided to leave early the next morning to arrive in "Sheomalee" (24 li away) in good time. There they would attempt to look for a person who was a friend of the native chief and could negotiate their business. Because the road would become rougher, they reduced their entourage to the absolute necessary number, taking provisions for only five days.

On 21 June they left in the morning and soon passed two villages where they rested. All the women in these dwellings were captured natives; all the men were Chinese. Because the porters fled, the company had to turn back to "Ho-tung," a well-fortified outpost and the designated future administrative seat of the new canton. Beazeley stayed in the house of the village headman. He found the people friendly and polite. After three hours they moved on, traveling eastwards on a road built by the Japanese on their campaign against the savages of the south. Mid-afternoon they reached "Sheomalee," after passing through beautiful jungle landscapes. Tschoh had arrived earlier and had organized accommodations in the chief's house. The village was suffering under a smallpox epidemic, and villagers at first believed the visitors to be doctors. To the great disappointment of the inhabitants, the company couldn't help the sick children. "Sheomalee" was populated by Chinese as well as Natives. The latter were armed with bows and arrows, long knifes and swords, and came to look at the travelers. Except for a small blue loincloth, they were naked. The villager who knew the native chief was unwilling to cooperate when Tschoh asked him to negotiate their request with the tribe. The company needed to pass through his territory and eventually wanted to buy some of his land. The man said that the natives were much too scared of the smallpox to let anyone approach them.

The next day, they left early in the morning and followed the river to the native village of "Pakolut." Women and men came out to see them, and the chief's son "Tokat" accompanied them. Turning south and crossing the river, they entered into the savage territory. Soon Tschoh reported that the natives were hiding and waiting to stop their passage. The two guides they had brought from "Sheomalee' spoke the native language, and they were sent to "Tauk-e-tok," the native chief, in order to negotiate. He came out of hiding, and though Beazeley didn't find him attractive, he did admire the ease with which he climbed down the steep slope. He was wearing a blue loincloth, an embroidered bag over his shoulder and had rice heads in his hair; he was armed with bow and arrows and a long knife. His younger brother came behind him, swinging from bushes and plants like an ape. "Tauk-e-tok" restated the fear of the smallpox as the reason for refusing to let the company pass. Betel-nut was passed around, and after a short lapse in which the chief seemed willing to let a few members of the expedition pass, he changed his mind. He decided that the whole group had to go along the coast, and that he would meet up with them at "Wo-lan-pi," the South Cape. The travelers gave the chief some sam-schu and left for the coast in their sedan chairs. After fighting their way along the jungle path, they reached a river mouth. After following the coast for a while, the sedan chairs became impossible to bring along. Thus, they returned to "Sheomalee," from where they headed directly south on foot. In the afternoon the three Europeans rested inside a cave, formerly used by natives, to escape the sun. At 3:30 they caught up with Tschoh, who had stopped at some grass huts near the beach. His proposal to spend the night there came too early to satisfy Beazeley, who suggested looking around some more. Thus, Beazeley, Tschoh, an old guide carrying Beazeley's gun, and his boy, serving as interpreter, climbed the cliffs to see how far the cape was away from their location. Meanwhile, Brown, the younger guide and the rest of the company followed the coast to look for water. The old guide doubted the point of the expedition and feared the natives. Beazeley was standing on some cliffs, when the guide became nervous again, so Beazeley descended and the company returned to the grass huts on the shore. Brown was in the company of natives, who told him that at this beach the crew of the "Rover" had been murdered [in 1867]. They claimed that the captain's wife, Mrs. Hunt, would have been spared if they had known she were a woman.

On 23 June 26, armed savages entered the camp at night. They only said they wanted to talk to the old guide and then left. The young Mandarin had to go back as he was unfit to continue, and Beazeley was sad to see him go, in part because he feared the man would be waylaid on the way back. The rest of the company left for South Cape in the early morning; the guides warned them to stay together. During this part of the journey, Beazeley suspected the guide of leading them in the wrong direction, and as the man couldn't explain his decisions, Beazeley watched him and Tschoh up front. Finally they reached "Kwa-liang bay" on the west coast. Here, Tschoh and the guide turned sharp towards the south cape instead of turning north to "Wo-lan-pi." Beazeley forced them to change direction, but the direct way into the village was blocked. The guides led them along an alternate path but hesitated to go further when they reached a grass plain. After Tschoh warned them, they did lead on, but turned south again. When Beazeley took up his position right behind the leaders again, to control their movements, he heard noises from behind. He thought it was a Mandarin punishing lazy porters, but Hastings told him there were several groups of natives behind them who told them to stop. When he turned back, he found several of his company being watched by a half circle of tall and strong natives; more followed them from the bushes. Beazeley could see the fuses for their matchlocks burning, and the three main chiefs explained that they would not let the expedition continue any further. Tschoh began talking to them forcefully and said they didn't care what the natives thought; they would continue anyway. Finally the oldest chief got up and started waving his hand, which Beazeley first took to be a gesture for attack, but the chief only motioned them to move on. The natives formed two groups, one walking in front of the group, and the other behind. When they reached the grass plain Beazeley had passed the day before, the natives again said they would not let them go no further One native was looking at Brown's revolver and asked Brown to show him how it worked. Brown used the opportunity to impress the aborigines, as he was a good shot. They spent the night near the plain, in the huts they had used before. In their hut, Beazeley and Brown discussed possible ways to reach their goal; they agreed that they would not return to Takow without visiting the south cape. Tschoh also intimidated the servants, warning them not to escape from the camp. The rain that fell that night also helped in keeping the servants together.

On 24 June the whole company started to walk towards "Wo-lan-pi." They turned southwest and soon reached a plain that sloped down to the south cape. Beazeley and his companions at once began their scientific measurements and observations, as the guides asked them to hurry. Soon they turned back. All the while they had been watched by natives in the bushes, as they later found out. The guards had signaled to the guides to hurry them away.

While they rested that day, the chief Tauk-e-tok came to them with eight other savages. Asked to explain why he had broken his promise, he only gave a weak apology. After midday the company set out for "Pakolut," accompanied by Tauk-e-tok. The return along the coast was generally pleasant. Tokat and his men received them cordially in "Pakolut." On the return trip Brown negotiated the price for a piece of land with Tauk-e-tok. The parties settled on 100 dollars for a large piece of land on the cape, which was ratified by a council of chiefs. These chiefs also agreed to help with the construction and to protect the workers. The general contentment was disturbed when a rival tribe heard of the money and came to claim retribution for stolen cows. Tschoh kept trying to convince the chiefs of the benefits of Chinese rule. The contract was finally signed by Tauk-e-tok and five other chiefs, by a fingerprint on the document. Brown paid the money and also distributed gifts of glass beads and red cloth. The next morning the expedition left "Pakolut". They had hardly come to "Sheomalee" when they heard shots and fighting between the two rival tribes -- the "war of the cows," as one guide called it. The same afternoon they reached "Tschai-tschêng," where they spent the night.

On 26 June, they arrived in "Tscha-tong-ka," where they took leave of Tschoh on the 27. On the way to "Takow" they passed a money transport moving south, spent another night in "Tan-kang" and finally arrived in "Takow" after an absence of 11 days.

Beazeley made closing remarks, stating that many things had changed since this voyage nine years ago. Chinese rule had spread over the entire island; "Ho-tung," where they only had found grass huts, now was a real town; and many more changes had occurred. The lighthouse had been built and had proven a great help for ships. He agreed with the Chinese domination because even if the native was interesting, he was also fickle and cruel.

The last pages of the article are a transcript of comments on the lecture, mainly by prominent travelers or researchers. The president's introduction was briefly presented, which also pointed to other two lectures on Formosa previously given to the society, Swinhoe in 1861 and Thomson in 1871. The president also gave factual information about trade and harbors. Colborne Baber tried to find a shape that best described the outline of the island. He further briefly accounted for his own journey and continued to add to the more general information the president had provided. Baber briefly explained the Chinese distinction between "Pepohuan" and wild natives. He also demanded a more detailed and better-researched summary of information on Formosa, as there were plenty of documents already existing on Formosa. He ended with an anecdote about officers on Formosa. They had proposed a shooting contest between natives and officers. The officers stood a good distance away and shot well. The natives, not very impressed, started their turn by hiding in the bushes, sneaking up to the goal and shooting at it from close proximity. When the officers claimed that the natives won by cheating, the natives failed to understand the term and only replied that that was the way they killed the Chinese.

Collingwood complimented the lecturer and commented on the fact of the rising of the Formosa land mass. He himself had spent some time in the north, and could give first-hand information on harbors and coal mines. While measuring the harbor of the Su-au bay [Editor's note: often spelled "Sauo bay" in English-language texts], he had spent some days among the "Kibalan," the tamed natives, with captain Bullock. They were physically very different form the Chinese but still lived at peace with them. Collingwood and his group also tried to find untamed natives, but couldn't find any on their journey. Collingwood also mentioned another journey he had made between "Tamsui" and "Kelung." The president, Lord Aberdare, then closed the event by lamenting the absence that day of two other explorers, Thomson and Pickering. He also stated that the state of war [i.e., the Sino-Franco war] had one big advantage, that the public interest for the island had been awakened. He hoped that soon Formosa would be well known and well researched.

Biernatzki, [K.L.] "Zur Kunde der Insel Formosa" [Concerning the knowledge about the island Formosa]. Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde n.f. 3 (1857): 411-427.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

In this article, Biernatzki combines the accounts of three explorers: Carl Ritter's (1835-?) description of the island of Formosa, Captain Richard's report on some harbors on the west coast and Swinhoe's report on the west coast. Biernatzki's general emphasis is geographical description; the inhabitants are hardly mentioned, and when they are, Biernatzki mostly refers to the Chinese population.

Biernatzki divides the island into east and west parts divided by the central mountain range "Ta Schan." East of this range, hardly anything is known about the island. Interest in the island had recently increased, and Christian missions and the peace of Nanking were but two steps in this change. Biernatzki discusses the origins of the name of the island then briefly gives an overview of geographical and demographic data on the Chinese districts. Quoting Ritter, Biernatzki notes that on the west coast there were many bays and a few larger harbors, the biggest of which was the port for the capital "Taiwan," called "Ta yuan Kiang." The main harbor in the far north was "Pekiang," now called "Kelung."

Captain Richards, commander of the schooner "Saracen," had explored the coasts the year before, as had Mr. Swinhoe, the general commissioner of the British consulate in "Amoy." Biernatzki summarizes reports associated with both trips.

Biernatzki follows Richards' notes closely; most of the information concerns times, latitudes and geographical measurements. Captain Richards' expedition started in February 24, 1856. Places passed on their voyage include the following: the Fischer islands ( in the Pescadores), "Takau," and the West Plates [term given only in English]. Finally, they arrived at the little harbor of "Cocksicon." Richards described the sand banks near the coast, where some fishermen lived in austere poverty. Then he sketched the harbor itself, mentioning the old Dutch harbor "Tayowan" close by. He compared both harbors, mentioning the locals only when he described the way the inhabitants of "Cocksicon" marked the deepest places in the bay. Richards described the location of the abandoned Dutch fort, two miles northwest of Formosa's capital, as well as the coast and its inhabitants. Rice plantations and fish provided sufficient sustenance for the large population, who were very friendly and hospitable. Local mountain ranges were named: the "Takau" mountain, the "Walfischruecken" (German for "Whaleback"), and another hill left unnamed. At the foot of Mount "Takau." there is another small harbor called "Takaucon." Employing translators, Richards obtained some information from local fishermen concerning the weather and storms and the local custom of moving their huts from the sand banks to the mainland and back. Richards concluded that the coast was dangerous, which complicated his view of "Takaucon" as an important future harbor. Richards ends his article with a listing of the prices the paid for food supplies in "Takaucon."

Next, Biernatzki summarizes Swinhoe's report on the northern part of the west coast of Formosa. Three places are the focus of Swinhoe's report: 1) the seaport "Hongsan" ("fragrant mountain") to the north of "Taiwan"; 2) south of this port was the harbor called "Tschung kong" (the "middle harbor"), which was also often referred to as "Lo kong" ("camphor harbor"); and 3) "Teksan" ("bamboo trench"), which was situated to the north of "Hongsan." Swinhoe described the nautical circumstances of Teksan; described the landscape and view, including the many camphor boats; and detailed the help he and his shipmates received from the natives when entering the harbor. Biernatzki laments the fact that Swinhoe had failed to determine the name of the mountains he saw in the distance. Although Biernatzki was sure that Swinhoe had referred to "Ta Schan," he wanted to know if it was a new summit or the one measured by Alexander von Humboldt. Biernatzki concludes his recounting of Swinhoe's report by saying that the information Swinhoe gathered about the interior was nothing new; rather, it supported the knowledge already collected by others.

The third report Biernatzki mentions was Carl Ritter's. Ritter named three harbors of importance on the west coast: 1) the capital "Taiwan," whose port was divided into two entrances, the "Ta Kiang" and the "Lu cul men"; 2) the harbor to the north west, "Tan schuy kiang," located in the estuary of the river "Tan schuy Khy"; and 3) the relatively recently found harbor further to the north, "Wu teaou kiang," near the city of the same name.

Biernatzki follows these general summaries with a more detailed description of the character of the west coast in general and "Hongsan," in particular, (from Swinhoe's report). According to the inhabitants, the entrance to Hongsan used to be much broader and only recently had silted up. Two small forts made of slate protect the estuary from both sides. Biernatzki describes the view from the sea onto the west coast, highlighting the terraced appearance of the islands' topography.

Swinhoe's trip to the interior, with descriptions of the villagers' housing, comes next. Swinhoe traveled to both "Hongsan" and "Lokong," and when he returned to "Hongsan" from "Lokong," he was carried by natives. Looking for lodging for the night, Swinhoe entrusted himself into the hands of a native, who lead him to the house of a camphor agent in "Lokong." After the initial discomfort of the crowd staring at him, he was welcomed into the house. Swinhoe described the streets of "Lokong." Apart from wood and camphor warehouses, he saw vending stands and a meeting house, or "Yamun"; the mandarin was absent. Swinhoe tried to describe the areas further into the interior, having seen them from afar. There were plantations for rice and potatoes and a military road from "Teksau" to "Lokong." Although Swinhoe never really visited farther into the interior, he did undertake short trips form the coast. His descriptions center on landscapes and terrain between different villages and houses. Swinhoe did want to go further, but was detained by the warnings of his landlord about mixed tribes of blacks and Cantonese who constantly were at war with each other. If Swinhoe were mistreated, the mandarins would blame his host for taking him there. Thus, Swinhoe contented himself with the narration of camphor exploitation.

In a footnote, Biernatzki gives references to other reports classifying the Aborigines, including those of Ritter and Valentyn. He also gives a short explanation on the state of colonization and native resistance. Because Swinhoe only mentioned camphor as produce, Biernatzki refers readers to Ritter's article, but doesn't specify the products enumerated therein. Instead, he recounts Swinhoe's elaborate description of Formosan birds and mammals, which consists of comparisons of the animals Swinhoe saw in Amoy and those found close by the town of "Tschangtschau." There are domesticated animals, too, but buffalo are the only draught animals; they pull carts, which Swinhoe describes in detail.

Biernatzki claims that Swinhoe hardly mentioned the inhabitants themselves. Swinhoe had met only Chinese settlers and subjected aborigines, who themselves have become quite Sinified. Biernatzki enumerates the few instances in which Swinhoe mentioned inhabitants and tries to classify them into "Chinese" and "real Formosans." Swinhoe did state that relations between both groups were violent, in spite of the massive forces brought to protect the settlers. Swinhoe found abundant traces of war. He obtained one scalp and was only prevented from taking more by the difficulties in smuggling them on board.

The article ends with Swinhoe's description of his voyage back to Amoy.

Biernatzki, [K. L.] "Die Insel Formosa" [The island Formosa]. Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde n.f. 7 (1859): 376-395.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

Biernatzki's article resembles his first one [of 1857]; it is a summary of several recent travel reports. He often directly quotes long sections of these reports. The authors he mentions in this article include Robert Fortune, Captain Joel Abbot, Reverend G. Jones, Lieutenant A.W. Habersham, Commander Brooker and Mr. Groom.

Biernatzki's introduction focuses on the need to learn more about the unexplored island of Formosa, especially the interior parts, whereas the coasts are beginning to become known. Abbot and Jones were ordered by Commander Perry in June 1854 to search for shipwrecked Americans and to examine the coal mines near "Kelung." Habersham visited Formosa in 1855, while Brooker was looking for shipwrecked foreigners in the summer of 1858. Mr. Groom was aboard the "Alert," which shipwrecked near the Formosan coast. He wrote about his captivity and return to China in the fall of 1858. Habersham, Groom and Fortune went ashore on the west coast of the island; Brooker explored both coasts; and Abbot and Jones only saw the north.

Biernatzki first turns to descriptions of the west coast. Habersham's orders were to explore the east and southeast coasts and look for shipwrecked sailors in the Formosa straits. His ship reached the Pescadores on 26 March 1855, and then visited the west coast of Formosa, finding fruitful plains and hills before them at daybreak after a storm. Part of the crew went ashore and were welcomed cordially by Chinese, who were armed.

Groom was shipwrecked on 11 October 1858. He was washed ashore with other members of the crew, and the Formosans who had seen them coming first robbed them and then sent them off to a nearby village. (Groom was probably captured by natives, not Chinese, as his description differs from Habersham's.) In the village, they came upon a mass of women, men and children, eager to see the strangers, or "Ta whanah." These inhabitants were a lot friendlier and gave the fugitives food and water. Groom describes the men as athletic and beautiful, looking more trustworthy than the Chinese. They were of light skin and carried knives, lances and guns. The women tied their hair up with red cloth, but they did not bind their feet. The village was in decay, but the local temple had been maintained in good shape. The other houses were made of clay and surrounded by a bamboo fence. After resting, the shipwrecked sailors traveled on to a larger town which they had seen across the bay. There they found sixteen other crew members from the ship. They were given dark and dirty lodgings and no food, but Groom felt more at ease there than in the earlier village. Few inhabitants were armed, they wore pantaloons, a turban and a large shirt. Everyone smoked tobacco and carried two boxes, one with the tobacco, the other with flintstone and tinder. After two more days spent in a temple, mandarins arrived. The oldest talked to the shipwrecked sailors and promised food and clothes. Later the crew followed the mandarin to yet another town, about a day's journey away. After Groom nearly fainted twice on the way, he was carried the rest of the way to the town of "Chungwa." As Groom was the first westerner who mentions this town, Biernatzki spends some time trying to locate this town with clues from the text and geographical data concerning Formosa. It was an important city, as it was the residence of the mandarins and the site of an official yamen. Here the group stayed and was not allowed to leave. Nevertheless, Groom made several trips into the interior while they waited for the return. Groom and another man once walked up into the foothills of the mountain range, but didn't dare to enter the mountains. They spent the night in hay or at a farm. Groom took a liking to the island and even stated that he would like to return one day and explore it further. The rice harvest reminded him of old England; he found the population healthier and hardly saw any disease.

Fortune visited Formosa in 1854 on the American ship "Confucius" bringing money to help fight a rebellion. He landed in "Tamshuy," and thought the town to be little more of a large village. Fortune only saw a very limited range of cheap food goods. He only spent a day in "Tamshuy" before departing for Shanghai the same night.

Brooker visited the capital "Taiwan." He had trouble landing, and his ship was guided by a fisherman into the canal leading up to the city of Taiwan. The mandarins they met in "Taiwan" were friendly and willing to help the crew in their search for shipwrecked sailors, but didn't know of any. To his surprise, Brooker found the city clean and expensive. Earlier, the "Inflexible" had anchored off the harbor of "Takau" in the south and then in "Pongli." There, part of the crew traveled into the interior to the village of "Laileaou," where the chief "Bantscheong" lived. He was independent of the Chinese, and was of great help in 1851, when other shipwrecked sailors were being sought. Although this chief had been in contact with the natives of the "Rallee-tribe," he did not know of any shipwrecked westerners.

Biernatzki then briefly turns to the different populations of Formosa, and describes the three classes. The Chinese seem to make up the majority of the population on the west coast. Groom had spent three days before he left Formosa with a Chinese friend of the mandarins called "Lotea," a passionate opium addict, whose habits Groom described. Groom disapproved of his dirtiness and the constant laxity due to the opium. The villages on the plains of the west coast seem to be populated with tributary natives; de Mailla had stated that they live in forty-five separate settlements. The real natives live on the east coast of the island, and Brooker and his men had met some of them. Though the Chinese described them as evil cannibals, when one of Brooker's crew approached a savage, he traded his bow and arrow for a Mexican dollar readily. Brooker described the natives as tall, well built, with strong cheekbones and chins and black hair falling on their shoulders; they only wore a cape. Brooker compared them to the American Indians.

Habersham sailed along the east coast to find natives in their own territory and search for a suitable landing spot. When the crew couldn't find any, they sailed on. One time, they tried to land two small boats on the coast, where native men and women patiently awaited them eager to trade. But as the surf was too strong, they had to row back to the ship. The aborigines then howled and yelled, out of disappointment, or so Habersham writes. From the boats they could see many stone houses and nice gardens, which the Chinese prisoners there had built.

Brooker sailed around the south cape and tried to land when he had sailed halfway up the east coast. While this attempt failed, about eleven natives and twenty Chinese watched from the shore. Brooker states that the natives were running wild on the coast, trying to man a boat to attack the ship, so eager were they to fight the foreigners. Although they were ready to receive the natives, the crew of the "Inflexible" fired some warning shots, whereupon the savages fled back into the distance. The Chinese quickly took the boat and rowed out to the ship. They asked the expedition to sail on, as the native "Tchewan" would kill all Chinese captives if anything happened to a native. Probably they were exiles from China earning their living by working for the natives, doing tasks that their superior culture allowed them to do. They said there were about 4000 natives in the surrounding area, mainly farmers but also hunters. Brooker sent the Chinese back with the order to promise presents to the tribes if the natives came out to the boat, which they declined. The aborigines were slender and well built, more similar to the Malays than the Chinese, but with light skin. They were naked except for a loincloth, holding a long knife. Brooker was convinced that these tribes would kill any European that fell into their hands. The Chinese called the place "Tschokeday"; the next town was "Sawo" or "Suau." There part of the crew went ashore, visited several villages around the bay, and were held to be Lutchuans [Editor's note: residents of Liu Chiu], as these were the only foreigners the population knew of. The people resembled Malays in customs and language, but were more beautiful with an olive-colored skin. Another delegation of the ship visited the "Kapalau"-district, where every village had two chiefs, one appointed by the Mandarins, and the other elected from among the inhabitants. These people feared the raw wild savages just like the Chinese did.

Abbot had traveled to "Kelung" in the northeast, a town with 3000 inhabitants. Jones researched the coal mines in the area, and Biernatzki quotes a passage in which Jones describes landmarks and the geography of the bay. Biernatzki also reprints Jones' more general evaluation of the coal he found there, and the location of some mines. While a guide brought him into the interior to visit mines, he took another way back to "Kelung" and describes the landscape. Both Abbot and Jones found the Formosans willing and helpful, but the Mandarin in "Kelung," i.e., the "Hiptoy" called "Letschuauh," was a nuisance, as he lied and hindered their analysis of the coal. They also noted that the Chinese seemed to have great respect, or fear, of their superior. If questioned by the scientists, these Chinese always seemed to expect fearful consequences.

Brooker, too, visited "Kelung." He saw several coal mines in operation, and visited the sulfur springs in the interior, which had been shut down by order of the mandarins. On their return journey, the "Inflexible" also anchored in other harbors on the west coast -- "Tamshuy," "Lampaw," "Gotschi," and "Taiwan" -- where they visited the mandarins. That way, they finally heard of the shipwreck of a ship from Hamburg on the west coast, but the crew already were on their way home.

Biernatzki closes his article by repeating Commander Perry's recommendation that a colony be established on Formosa. He lists the benefits and sees colonization as urgently necessary. In general, Biernatzki saw a great future for Formosa.

Eismann, G. "Beschreibung der Nordküste von Formosa" [Description of Formosa's north coast]. Annalen der Hydrographie und Maritimen Meteorologie 20 (1892): 410-416.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

Eismann is a navigator and in this article tries to help fellow navigators to find their way around the difficult terrain of Formosa. Thus, what he published is a close and detailed description of the northern coast in nautical terms. He was traveling on the imperial Chinese transport ship "Fee Cheu" as first officer at the time he undertook his measurements.

Because the north coast of Formosa is not very clearly visible during the northeast monsoon, Eismann describes various landmarks to help find a location. Starting west of "Tamsui" (which he also calls "Hu–wei"), he works his way slowly into the harbor. There, he describes in an extremely detailed fashion the difficulties met when entering this port, the signals used by local sea pilots and how to find the way without signals. Eismann mentions his suspicions of the Chinese and their criminality, which is one of the only times he mentions people at all.

After he leaves "Tamsui," Eismann continues eastwards, going over landmarks, big rocks and islands as he goes. Eismann turns to "Kelung," and explains the quality of "Kelung" coal. From there he continues eastwards, until he reaches "Petou Point." Eismann concludes by mentioning that visibility rapidly become worse, especially during the northeast monsoon.

Fischer, Adolf. "Formosa." Kringsjaa 15 (February/March 1900): 241-49; 401-407. Note: In Danish, with photographs, engravings and a sketch.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

The artice is a reprint from Westermanns Monatsheft [Ed. note: a German atlas]. After the editor briefly summarizes the relevant geographical and political setting, Fischer's views are quoted. He traveled to Formosa in February 1898 from Japan on the steamboat "Yokohama Maru."

The first harbor visited was "Kelung," where Fischer was impressed by the beautiful nature of the port. He mentions the island "Mero," on which one can still see the ruins of the fort "San Salvador." Fischer explained that there were hardly any Europeans in "Kelung" because the climate was unhealthy. Experiencing some difficulty at the docks, Fischer didn't wait for his luggage but from there continued on to "Taipeh," where he wanted to visit the German consulate and the Europeans living there.

First he traveled by boat, then changed to a train, passing dirty Chinese towns before he reached "Taipeh." Fischer was told that the consulate was situated in "Twatutia," but before he takes the reader there, Fischer describes "Taipeh." He mentions the way in which it had been built and the development it had undergone. The Japanese had greatly improved conditions in Taipeh. Fischer favorably compares the main roads with those in Tokio. He also gives a preview of possible further development. The Japanese dominate in "Taipeh" although they are boycotted by the Chinese population. The government is trying to counteract this animosity, but Fischer gives them little chance of success.

In "Twatutia" he visited the German consul Reinsdorff, who helped Fischer with contacts and gave him lodging. In the Twatutia Club he met other Europeans living there -- 6-8 people during most of the year.

Fischer undertook a day trip to "Tamsui," the largest trade center on the island. Fischer had to travel in what he deemed an insufficient vehicle: an open steamboat. Still he enjoyed the voyage and the view. On the way, they passed the "Kuanyin" hills and the village "Kan-tao." Together with the German consul, he visited the higher officials in Formosa to obtain passes and references. Fischer also found himself a Chinese servant. Before he left, he undertook short trips, one of which led him to "Bang-ka." Fischer describes the dirty, narrow streets and the "Tusimil" temple outside the town. This prompted Fischer to speak briefly about the state of religion beliefs and practices among the Chinese in Formosa.

Together with his servant, Fischer took the train into the interior of the island, to the last station "Shinchiku." He elaborates on the scenery near this city. In "Shinchiku," Fischer met the local officials, who were very critical about the purpose of his voyage; Fischer noted that generally the Japanese were wary of foreigners. Fischer then wandered around in the town; his text summarizes some of his observations there. He gives special notice to the production of paper money that was burnt as an offering to the gods, and the lack of division between religion and business.

The next day he continued to "Chozan," where he saw a school, temples, and a cloister. Fischer visited the camphor districts, where there are violent fights between natives and camphor workers still today. He arrived in the village called "Bioretsus," which contained an old mandarin palace. The next morning they left, passed the village "Katosho" and headed for the mountain of "Kotazan." Fischer, being carried in a sedan chair, didn't notice the dangers on this leg of the trip, but he continued on foot later. When his party descended on the other side, they came closer to the stream "Suibipiyan" that flows into "Koriuke." Finally they arrived in "Suibison," a tiny village where they saw the first savages.

In the second part of the article, Fischer first describes the "Hakkas," who were the Chinese living in closest contact with the savages. Among the savage tribes he names the "Chin-huan" tribes, living in the mountains and on the east coast. Fischer describes them as independent, showing animosity towards civilization, in contrast to the half-wild "Pepowans" [or Pepohuans] who live in the hills and valleys. Although the Pepowans were subdued by the Chinese, there was still much violence. Fischer provides a description the current relations between these social groupings and summarizes the history of these troubles.

After a long hike he came to "Tao" or "Taiko," which was a "Chin-huan" colony only ten years ago, but now Hakkas live there. The Hakka settlers drove the savages away, but they still do fight back.

Fischer then describes the "Chin-huan," focusing on women's roles, but also sketching family life, hunting and scalping. Afterwards he turns to camphor production, which he describes in detail.

After several days' hike, he arrived in "Taiwan." The city's importance had grown under the Japanese. From there, Fischer's party continued on to "Atammu," where they lodged with Formosa's richest Chinese, "Lin-cho-dos" and "Kishito." Passing fertile lands, they observed the river "Uké" turning into the "Taitoke" river. Here the landscape became wilder. After some adventurous climbing they arrived at the military station "Hokoke," where the group experienced a fire that got out of control. Two hours later, at nightfall, they came to "Polisha," another Chinese village with a military station.

Near "Polisha" there were two wild tribes, the "Hokuban" and the "Namban." They lived partly by hunting and partly by fishing. Although Fischer describes them as uncivilized, he points out that they treat their women and children with respect. He describes their burials and the custom of changing residence after someone has been buried, as they bury the dead inside their houses. Next, he shortly describes their hunting attire, their appearance and decorations, as well as scalp-hunting. Fischer mentions the town "Seki- in" not far from "Polisha." Fischer then gives some information about the village structure in these native settlements.

He finishes his account with a description of a festival in the village, at which the natives got drunk and danced around the fire. This impressed him very much.

Friedel, Ernst. "Bericht über Arnold Schetelig's Reise in Formosa" [Report on Arnold Schetelig's voyage in Formosa]. Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 3 (1868): 385-397. Note: Partial translation in HRAF, AD1, Formosa, #8.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

With this article, Friedel published an annotated version of a speech given by Arnold Schetelig on May 9, 1868, to the "Berliner Gesellschaft für Erdkunde" [Geographical Society, Berlin]. Schetelig talked about his voyage to the north and northeast parts of Formosa. Friedel's own comments are taken from more recent studies on Formosa. These include articles by Dr. Biernatzki in the same magazine.

Schetelig concentrates on the circumstances of the voyage in the first part of the article, and especially on general geographical, historical and demographic data. He hardly describes any single encounters with natives during his voyages.

Schetelig's company, including a photographer, crossed over to Formosa from "Amoy" (in the province of "Fukien") on a sailboat. After a few days in "Tamsui," they left for the interior of the island. They used the well-maintained river system in the northern parts for traveling. From "Tamsui" they used "rapid boats" [Trans. note: the English term is given here] to pursue three different routes, the first along the "Kilung"[Kelung] channel, almost as far as the city of "Kilung"; the second along the actual "Tamsui" River to the southeast; and the third route along the southern branch of the river into the western foothills.

Schetelig describes his journey on the "Kilung" channel. Along the way they see the sulfur springs of "hell valley" [Trans. note: name given only in German translation], which leads him to describe the methods of sulfur extraction practiced by the Chinese. He describes the increasing beauty of the river valley after one passes out of the wide lower "Tamsui" River and the "Manka" plain -- also the name of the district-city for "Tamsui-Ting." Schetelig mentions the many trading boats passing them downstream, while they struggle with the current. The Chinese, he says, use two rudders on their boats. Before "Kilung" they pass over the watershed [which divides the channel from the stream flowing into Kelung]. "Kilung" is a Chinese city, made increasingly important because of nearby coal resources. Possessing few if any remnants of the Dutch (who settled mainly in the south, near "Taiwan-fu" and in the north, near "Tamsui"), "Kilung" seems to have been the main point of Spanish colonization efforts.

Because Schetelig wanted to see part of the east coast, he rented a junk. It took his group to the "Capenlan" plain, the only arable region on the entire northeast coast. The plain is situated among the foothills of the central mountains. There Schetelig and his group stayed a couple of days, researching astronomy and taking pictures. They also learned about the local tribe, whose territory reaches up to "Sawobay" [Ed. note: also referred to as Sau-o, i.e., Su-ao, Bay]. Schetelig doesn't describe any characteristics of the local settlers and aborigines; he only mentions the disturbances caused by the native's amazement at everything relating to his group.

They continued their journey up to the "Sawobay," and Schetelig describes the harbor of "Sawo" and it's position and function. Here he also mentions the English survey-ship "Sylvia," which had recently finished mapping the coasts of Formosa.

The geographical isolation of the location of "Sawo," cut off from the rest of the island, prevented more intensive farming. This is stated reason for Schetelig's classifying the inhabitants mainly as criminals. Even among the Chinese, "Sawo" has a bad reputation. Schetelig subsequently describes an example of the lawlessness here. After the company arrived, camphor agents came into the port. Because they thought Schetelig and his group were inhibiting their illegal business, the agents started instigating the inhabitants against the travelers until they had to leave.

In his next excursion, Schetelig followed the middle branch of the Tamsui River into the interior. He started form "Manka," the branching point of three separate streams. On the way he passed the village "Chintamki" (or 'the way to the indigo fields'), which is the furthest point to which the river is navigable. The route then continued into the mountains and the jungle. Schetelig gives a short overview of the phenomena he encountered: plantations for camphor, indigo and other crops, the difficult weather, the beautiful nature all around, and the visible changes human inhabitation has had on the forest. Schetelig mentions the village "Takan," which is the endpoint of their journey, and which has only been colonized for a short time. The goal of the excursion was geographical measurement. They did interact with some natives, whom Schetelig classifies as completely different from the tribes they saw on the coast. Without giving much detail, he only describes them as degenerated, and their role overrated. According to Schetelig, their relatively primitive mental and physical characteristics, and their missing morals keep them at an indifferent level with respect to Formosan issues.

Schetelig goes on to describe the third part of his voyage, along the southern branch of the "Tamsui" River. The landscape here is a model of original Chinese colonialism. First passing "Taiwanfu" [Ed. note: this has to be a mistake for Taiwanfu is on the southwestern coast], the trip lead to the bordering province, which was the second region the Chinese had colonized. Thus, what they find here is purely Chinese, although the diversity among these Chinese is noted by Schetelig. Upon reaching the old fort of "Tokscham," the boats had to be discarded.

The colonization of this place occurred on a private basis, and the settlers are described by Schetelig as squatters who step-by-step acquired land rights. From here the company took excursions to the camphor plantations in the vicinity and followed the river valley southwards.

Next, Schetelig explains some discoveries concerning the topography of the area he visited, along with the main products of Formosa (coal, camphor and sulfur). Schetelig concludes with a description of Formosa's climate.

This is then followed by the editor's brief discussion on articles on Formosa by Lobscheid, Frauenfeld and Swinhoe; he also described a map by M. de Montigny. The editor then turns to a survey of extant knowledge on the languages of Formosa. The most well-known is the "Sideia" dialect, spoken in "Taiwan-Hien"; after that comes the "Favorlang" dialect, named after a village by that name in "Changwa-Hien." In addition, there are "Kali-Formosan" in "Fungschan-Hien" and "Pipo-Formosan" from "Komalan" and "Tamsui-Hien." The relationship of Formosan to Malay was examined by Schetelig in an essay published in 1868.

Coastal surveying has improved greatly, but more work is still needed. The article ends with tables on economic data concerning Formosa.

"Bei den Wilden auf Formosa" [The savages on Formosa]. Globus 26, No. 16 (1874): 253-255.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

The author (with the abbreviated name R.K.) summarizes a speech on Formosa given by E.C. Taintor to the "Asiatic Society" in Shanghai, which was reprinted in the "Japan Weekly Mail," 4 July 1874. Taintor visited the Kapsulan plains in the beginning of 1869, and collected information on the language and customs of the aborigines of that region.

The author first introduces the island and the territorial borders of the Chinese and natives. While the aborigines live on the east coast, the Chinese settlers inhabit the whole west coast and the northern part of the east coast.

The original population of the northern plain called themselves "Kabaran." They were driven back into the mountains by the settlers, but still took up many aspects of Chinese culture themselves. These culturally-assimilated natives were called "Pepo hwans," or 'savages of the plains,' by the Chinese to distinguish them from the rawer and freer "savages of the mountains." The author claims that the amount of Chinese immigration must have been small indeed, if Thomson found a "Pepo hwan" village only twenty miles from "Tai-wan-fu" in 1871. The migration towards the interior has not stopped, and only in the past year a company of Chinese with a European leader tried to settle in "Talam-o," south of "Suaobay," after first peacefully negotiating with the natives. Still, the project failed because of the resistance of the natives. "Lamo," too, had been the goal of another group of colonists. These attempts have failed three times in recent years, the second time the break down was signaled by numerous skeletons without heads.

The Pepos are fishermen and also good at rowing. Men are tall and well-built, women small and pretty, with dark eyes that distinguish them from the Chinese women they copied in dress and style. The "true" savages are smaller and thinner than the "Pepos," with thick shaggy hair. The savages wear earrings; women are small and plump, and carry heavy loads. The low brows and suspicious expression add to the ugliness Taintor found in the features of "true savages," contrasting them to the "Pepos." Both men and women tattoo themselves and wear much jewelry made of bones and brass. The most popular decoration seems to be hair from Chinese scalps braided and hung on clothing and jewelry. When their children are between six and eight years old, they remove the eyeteeth to increase their speed while hunting. Hunting tools include knifes, spears and arrows. The main game is a small deer, but occasionally they do trap bears. The bear's paws and gall bladder are sold to the Chinese, who need these goods for their medicines. Everything else is cooked all in one piece. In addition to hunting game, they cultivate crops like potatoes, beans and rice. Because of their like of pepper, they occasionally break into Chinese gardens to steal some of this spice. Another passion of theirs is tobacco, which they grow themselves and smoke in bamboo pipes. The native name ta-ba-ku for tobacco shows that the Dutch or Spanish first introduced the crop in Formosa. Some tribes supposedly even have relics of the Dutch colonists.

The natives make elastic and well-woven mats from long grass, and they trade game or furs with the Chinese for things they can't make, such as iron. Their huts are very simple: two main poles supporting smaller ones, thereby making up walls that are then filled up with grass or leaves. Some stones inside fashion a stove, but the huts lack a venting system. They usually keep their belongings in woven baskets hanging from the ceiling. The dead are buried in an upright position, and they are accompanied by their belongings and weapons.

The Formosans have a special friendship ceremony, in which two people stand close to another and drink wine from the same cup. A less important friendship ceremony consists of eating salt, which they value greatly, from the same table. When Taintor stayed among the natives, there were twelve chiefs with whom he had to perform the wine ceremony because, according to Taintor, of the fickle and suspicious nature of the savages. Pigs were the most popular gift for the natives, so Taintor brought some along and gave them away for a big feast. After the feet and snout were cut off, the entire remainder was grilled on a fire for a very short time. Then the chieftain divided the pigs into heaps of meat and bones. These piles were assigned to families according to their size. Some aborigines were so hungry that they roasted their part at once, but most stored theirs away. The visitors also were given meat, which they to their great relief were not meant to eat in front of the tribe. Still Taintor angered one young chief because he gave his share to the next best savage. Later, the whole group of natives, and the Pepos that accompanied the visitors, too, started to celebrate with the samshu that the travelers had given to the villagers. The company was relieved when in the early morning hours the debauchery finally slowed down. They had been afraid of the knives and heated temperaments of the natives.

Vendetta is practiced to the full extent, and although the Chinese administration had promised a reward for every native scalp that they receive, they have not been very successful, in contrast to the natives who kill an estimated 50-60 Chinese a year. While a Chinese has to risk his life for a meager reward, the native warrior is driven by higher values and religious beliefs. One's position in native society is determined by the number of scalps a man has hunted. The one who has most is generally the chief.

Formosa also is very rich in resources. While camphor was the main export commodity, there is also coal near "Kelung" and sulfur near "Tamsui." The exploitation of the sulfur springs has been prohibited by the government, though. The vast forests contain many kinds of valuable wood, and the east coast is rich in fish and turtles. The fertile western plain is sometimes called the granary of southern China. An island with such resources should develop well; the author states that no one can know what the Japanese will make of the island.

"Kopfjagden auf Formosa" [Scalping on Formosa]. Globus 77 (1900): 68.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

The note is one of several small pieces assembled in the magazine. It describes the observations of the Japanese Shigetoro Nagano, the head of a bureau concerning savages on Formosa. He is quoted in Adolf Fischer's "Streifzüge durch Formosa," which is reviewed in the journal a few pages earlier. He collected a lot of information on the tribes of the north living near "Polischa." Nagano also started an ethnographic collection and took photographs. Like many Malay tribes, the Formosans were scalpers. Great honor and renown was rewarded for successful scalp hunters. First the scalps were hung in a net from the roof of a house. The Chinese braids were kept for decoration inside the hut, while the scalp, once it had decayed, was put next to the others outside on a long bamboo shelf. First, the success of taking a scalp was celebrated with samschu that was poured into the scalp to honor it and the persons' relatives. A construction of rice paper, made from Aralia papyrifera hung over the head for this celebration. Nagano took a picture of such a bamboo shelf, which put him in great danger, as he took it secretly.

Haberlandt, M. "Die Eingeborenen der Kapsulan-Ebene von Formosa" [The aborigines of the Kapsulan plain of Formosa]. Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien n. f. 14 (1894): 184-193. With illustrations.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

Haberlandt constructs his article as a contrast to the usual writings on Formosa. While previous publications had focused on linguistic and ethnological data and relied on numerous travel descriptions for their data, Haberlandt argued that these articles were too contradictory and the data too exhausted for any new insights. Rather, he tries to employ a method that had received little attention so far. Haberlandt studied closely the collections of the ethnological museums, mainly those of Vienna and Berlin. He then compared his insights with existing claims in articles on Formosa and tries to draw parallels with other populations.

Haberlandt starts by lamenting that Formosa still is an unknown island, in spite of the mass of documents about the island. Then, he turns to a brief description of the question of the anthropological origin of the native population and gives a rough survey of different opinions and their defendants. The majority opinion proposes a Malay origin, while an alternative denies the Malay theory, and a third perspective compares the aborigines of Formosa to those of southern China and other Asian regions. Haberlandt focuses on the natives of the "Kapsulan" plain in the northeast, following cues from Schetelig, who stated that the "Shekwan" aborigines could be found there in relative purity.

Introducing his survey of artifacts, Haberlandt begins with two sculls that Schetelig brought back from Formosa and the descriptions of the skulls by Dr. Zuckerkandl. Zuckerkandl finds them both prolate and thus typically Malay. Haberlandt compares this to photographs taken from "Tokoham" in north Formosa, and finds Malay characteristics as well. He then describes the custom of the removal of eyeteeth in children, and states that often the native rationale for this practice has been forgotten. But he also mentions reports by Taintor and Joest, which do state that removing the teeth increases speed and luck.

Next, Haberlandt turns to tattoos. He favorably compares the descriptions in the reports with the pictures he found in the museum collections, and also finds evidence for differences between girl and woman patterns. He also noted that men remove their facial hair.

Haberlandt classifies the clothing as subtropical. Clothes are partially sown, and partially folded or wrapped. The cloth is fabricated by women who use small looms that they hold with their feet. The women add decorations with red and especially blue wool that are sown onto the cloth. The garments he found include jackets (called "cholus") skirts, aprons, shawls and shank protectors. Haberlandt found these protectors very interesting, and describes their use. Haberlandt also remarks that the chief and his family wear distinctive clothing. For instance, the chief, together with the priestesses, are allowed to wear the "pulatsu" beads sown on their clothing. This pearl is regarded as holy but is also used as a kind of money. Men wear braided rattan caps with or without visors; women wrap shawls around their head. In detail Haberlandt describes two specific artifacts, a leather armor-like garment and a "sunroof" that is bound onto the back of a man or woman working in the field. He compares them to things he found among the clothing and artifacts associated with other peoples, especially in the Philippines.

Haberlandt continues with jewelry, first describing earrings. He found many bamboo-sticks with woolen threads, glass pearls and marble stones. Beads are also characteristically used for necklaces, as are stripes of cloth with buttons or animal teeth. Often hunters will add streaks of hair from the Chinese scalps they had hunted to their necklaces, as well as to their bracelets. Other artifacts include braided rattles, and a marriage headdress for a man and a marriage skirt for a girl. Both of the latter are made of the holy "pulatsu."

He sees their arms as less original; almost all the blades are traded from the Chinese and bound to or stuck on shafts. Their main weapon and tool is the knife with a wooden shaft, often carved with decorations. Most knives are protected by a sheath open on one side and decorated with wire. Here, too, many have a bushel of Chinese hair bound to them. Like the Malays, the Formosan aborigines wear their knives in their belts on their backside. Also very important are spears, for which the natives also use sheaths. According to Haberlandt, the heads of their killed enemies are stuck on the spears and carried home in triumph. Bow and arrow are used for fighting, hunting and fishing. Bows are mostly made of bamboo and arrows of hollow cane. Now the natives also use Chinese shotguns.

Haberlandt admits that the artifact collections offer little information on nutrition, cooking and agriculture, but he goes on to describe what can be found. Hoes with iron blades that the aborigines reportedly make themselves serve as agricultural tools. The natives use bow nets for fishing, together with boats (made from trunks "carved out" by fire) and floats [Ed. note: perhaps this latter word refers to catamarans]. They cook with clay pots and eat from straw bowls and plates as well as wooden cups and spoons.

Both men and women have a passion for tobacco, which they smoke in bamboo or wooden pipes, which often manifest intricate carvings. Haberlandt finds that they are related closely to pipes from Luzon and the "Tinguians," and the habit of the women to stick the pipe into their hair while not smoking reminds him of Malay tribes.

The only musical instrument found among the tribes is the Jew's harp, made from bamboo with metal tongues.

Although the material evidence is scarce, Haberlandt finds a general resemblance in various categories of Formosan artifacts to those of Malay peoples. In particular, peoples indigenous to the Philippines seem closely related to the Formosans in things like looms, clothing, sunroofs, jewelry and pipes. He also states that linguistic data confirms this connection. However, because of the limited amount of artifacts available to Haberlandt, he decidedly does not draw a final conclusion concerning the origin of Formosan aborigine tribes. The geographical proximity of the islands can explain many trends, and future anthropological research will bring more certainty into these debate.

Hirth, Friedrich. "Aufzeichnungen über die Wilden Formosas" [Records concerning the wild people of Formosa]. Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien 22 (1892): 91-92. Reprinted in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie (Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte) (1893): 333-335. Note: Partial translation in HRAF, AD1, Formosa, #20.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

The text is actually a Chinese document describing Formosan aborigines from the 17th Century. It was translated by Hirth from the Chinese annals, the Tai-wan-fu-tchi [Taiwan fuzhi]. Haberlandt describes the text as a topography of the Chinese part of Formosa. The first edition of the Kao-kung-kien was completed in 1694; later editions followed. The text gives descriptive information on aborigine tribes next to the statistical data.

Hirth inserts many words in brackets within his translation of the Chinese text. The reprint of Hirth's translation differs from the original translation only in that it substitutes the elaborate footnote explaining the origin of the document with a much shorter one, dropping much background information.

Although merely two pages in length, the account is full of ethnographic descriptions and observations. There is little apparent structure and the article frequently changes from details to generalizations. The main topics are physical features, family and social life in the village, clothing, decorations, housing, nutrition, arms, and (at the end of the text) the aboriginal races differing from the ones described within the text. Many social and cultural traits are compared to distinct ones in Chinese life.

The aborigines lack surnames and a concept of time. They recognize no kin relationships beyond father and mother, such as uncles or nephews. They don't bring offerings to their ancestors and don't know their own age.

Both sexes are barefooted, but wear a short jacket and cloths (fu-pu). Women wear leggings and flowers, and girls and boys bind their loins with Rotang belts, which help them run fast. After their hair has grown out, they cut it and tie it up. They color their teeth black with herbs. They pierce their ears and stick ivory into the holes. Many aborigines are tattooed, mostly on the arm and back, but some have tattoos all over the body. Most tribes use Dutch alphabet. The aborigines wear bracelets of bronze or iron. They try to impress each other with feather decorations and shells hanging from their shoulders and foreheads.

Daughters are more highly valued than sons, as the son-in-law moves into his bride's family house. If a girl is ready to marry, she goes to the community center where she is wooed by a boy playing his Jew's harp. If she is willing, the parents are notified and a date for marriage is set. Marriage rituals include heavy drinking. Men and women have intercourse freely and openly, except when younger children are present.

New born babies are washed with cold water. The aborigines don't know about doctors or medicine, but rely for cures on bathing their feet. They generally put a high value on baths in all seasons.

A death in a house is signaled with colored rags. The dead person's possessions are divided among the survivors, and the corpse is kept under the bed for three days. Burial rites are performed by the neighbors, and without a coffin. If the family moves, they dig up and re-bury their loved one.

Aboriginal lodgings are set several feet above the ground. They resemble boats, built low and narrow. They paint the beams and poles of these houses. The ground near the house is continually sprinkled with water to keep away the dust. The natives don't use bed covers, but cover up with clothes. There are no kitchens; they cook on a mound which holds a pan. Fluid food is scooped out of this cooking utensil with a coconut shell, while rice is eaten with the hands. The amount needed for a meal is always freshly ground. Millet, wheat and clothing are kept in the same type of gourd flask. Wine is popular; it is made of rice chewed by old women and ripened in bamboo containers for several days.

When guests arrive, the aborigines step out of their huts to greet the visitors with the necessary honors. The guest has to taste wine before he enters the hut.

Voyages are made with the help of a cart pulled by oxen, using Rotang ropes and inlaid stones to overcome difficult sections of the road. Official messengers are equipped with small bells that ring while the messengers run.

The spears the natives use are over five feet long, and they hit everything within a range of a hundred feet. They also use bamboo bows with hemp strings. Field workers see the last day of harvest as the end of the year.

Deep in the mountains there lives another tribe that resembles apes. They don't reach three feet (or four English feet) in height. They flee to the treetops when they see strangers; if one wants to catch them, they draw back, holding a crossbow aimed.

Another race lives in caves, resembling primitive Chinese aborigines [ancestors]. They enjoy killing humans and keep their bare bone scalps [Ed note: skulls?], decorated with gold, in their houses as a sign of bravery.

One tribe has the custom of hanging an individual's own father on a tree when he gets too old. The tribe members kill this elder and take him away, replacing him with a pig. Their officials are divided into real officials and assistants. In a big community there are five to six (or in a small three to four) assistants, depending on the number of families in a community. The community house serves as court, but small conflicts are solved without using that space. Some of the court writers know the Dutch script; they are the registrars, and all people are counted by them. They write from left to right, not top to bottom.

Some say, the savages have been taking up Chinese culture lately, with tutors striving to gradually enlighten children so they are able to understand Chinese literature, customs and music.

Honda, Seiroku. "Eine Besteigung des Mount Morrison auf der Insel Formosa" [An ascent of Mount Morrison on the island Formosa]. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde (Tokyo) Heft 60 (1897): 469-473. Reprinted in Oesterreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient (1897): 143-146. Note: Partial translation in HRAF, AD1, Formosa, #18.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

Honda had wanted to explore the area around Mount Morrison since the Japanese occupied Formosa in 1895, and finally in October 1896 he received an imperial order to explore the forests there. This article summarizes his ascent of Mount Morrison and the scientific observations he made on that journey. Honda focuses more on flora and geological facts than descriptions of the people he meets on his way. As no one [Ed. note: no foreigner] had climbed the mountain before, partly because of the allegedly dangerous savages living in the area, his ascent corrected some misconceptions concerning the central mountain range.

The company left Japan in October and arrived in "Kelung" some days later. With four other companions, Honda traveled southwards down the mountain range and to the east and south of the range on foot. The west part of Formosa is settled and cultivated by the Chinese, but the east is only inhabited by the native tribes. At several places in the text, Honda laments the destruction of the forests by the Chinese settlers, especially the camphor workers. Often they would only use a minimal part of the tree and leave the rest to rot. The Chinese had no consideration for the forest.

After ten days, the group arrived at "Ling-ki-ho," the last station of the Japanese military and the last Chinese settlement. Honda describes his difficulties finding guides, carriers or horses. The roads he describes as insufficient: mostly small one-man pathways. The Chinese farmers were incapable of understanding the goal of a government program for the building of better highways. The first set of porters deserted after they heard the goal of Honda's trip, and a second set had to be imprisoned and forced to depart along Honda's chosen path by the Japanese military. The Chinese live in great fear of the natives, as the aborigines hunt for scalps, and aborigine honor is linked to the killing of Chinese. In the end, the company consisted of two officers, twenty-five soldiers and seven Japanese, among whom there were one journalist, one interpreter, one doctor, one geologist and one topographer. Honda led the expedition and took photographs.

The company left "Ling-ki-ho" on 13 November and hiked for twenty-five kilometers through foothills, the second day traveling first through grasslands and then through forested areas. This prompted Honda to deliver exact descriptions of the woodlands they had crossed in the first part of their journey. The forests turned into a jungle, which they traveled through for two days. They spent the night of the second day in an abandoned hut for camphor workers.

The third day brought them to the first native settlement. Thirteen huts housed about 150 aborigines; the village was called "Namaka-ban." Only shortly before arriving here, Honda had sent back the military escort, because the interpreter had convinced him of the dangers. If the natives saw him approaching with the escort, they would assume an attack was being made and start an offensive. Honda sent the interpreter to the villagers to instruct them of his peaceful intentions. The chief then welcomed Honda by kneeling on the ground and folding his hands above his head. About thirty natives accompanied him.

The native men only wore loincloths, the women added more clothing. Deerskins could be seen, especially among the chiefs. All aborigines wear an abdominal belt to prevent them from eating too much. The natives wear many bracelets, rings and necklaces made of natural materials. All unmarried men sleep in a big community building, where Honda's group also slept. It was plastered with bamboo, had a stove in the middle, and was decorated with eight-five Chinese scalps. Two sides of the building were open, but the other two were semi-protected by a very low roof. All men wear a long knife. All the villages are led by a chief who is independent of individual communities. Many tribes are enemies with each other even though they are neighbors. The tribes remove the eyeteeth of their children when they are five years old. Some wear tattoos on their face and their hands. The chief honored Honda by letting women and men perform a circle dance for him. Marriage partners are faithful; the tribes are monogamous. There is a tradition among the natives that the Japanese and the natives are related, thus the victory over the Chinese intruders was welcomed by the tribes and seen as a liberation.

The next day, the group continued their ascent. After five hours they reached another native village called "Ho-Sha," where they were treated in the same manner as they were at the first settlement. On the way to this settlement they had crossed the "Tinlankei" River over a rope bridge that they found surprising.

On the following day, they went on through bush land and creeks to the village called "Tom- bo," the last settlement before reaching the mountain. In addition to provisions, they took along four native guides. Honda also left behind many of his porters and luggage. They continued their climb and reached a hot spring situated in the mountains.

On the morning of the eighth day they reached a watershed, where they set up camp and spent a cold night. On the next morning, they started the final ascent. First they followed the northern face of the mountain, then turned to the less steep southern side. At eleven o'clock they finally reached the peak and had a view of almost all of the entire island. After Honda took some photographs, they were forced to head back to the camp, as fog and wind made further study impossible. The cold night resulted in fevers; in particular Honda himself was so shaken that he had to be carried down the mountain on the back of one of the savages. Later he gave this native porter a pair old pants, as the man didn't appreciate the money Honda first offered. Also, their provisions were becoming depleted; all that was left was millet. On 25 November they finally reached "Ling-ki-ho" again.

Honda closes his article with ten observations, partly about misconceptions, partly of a geographical nature. The more interesting of these are the following: The formerly measured height of Mount Morrison was corrected from 12830 feet to 14350 feet. Honda disproved the belief that the mountain was snow-covered year round; rather this appearance was the reflection of the sun on the white quartz stone at the peak of the mountain. The mountainous regions of Formosa are not entirely covered by forests, but only to 40 percent forested; the rest is grassland. This deforestation partly came from native fires set to facilitate hunting. Mountain streams can be used for the transportation of wood. The camphor exploitation could be doubled if more effective techniques were used. The natives are not exclusively hunters, but mainly cultivators. They lack property and share their crops. Lastly, the men seem fit and willing to work as loggers.

Ino, Kakyo. "Die wilden Stämme von Formosa, ihre Einteilung und ihr Kulturzustand" [The wild tribes of Formosa; their classification and their cultural state]. Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 34 (1899): 63-74. With map. Note: Partial translation in HRAF, AD1, Formosa, #25.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

Ino Kakyo was a member of the Formosan "Banjo kenkyukai," the Society for the Research on Aborigines, which was founded in 1898 by the Japanese colonial government in Taiwan. The society works by sending its members on excursions into the interior of the island and offering speeches and forums for the scientists to share their findings. Because so little was known about the aborigines of Formosa, every bit of information is welcome. Ino Kakyo has published several long articles in recent months; this piece is one of those; it is a direct translation from the Japanese into German. The journal not only is glad to provide Ino's information on the natives, but also emphasizes the different style and revealed manner of thinking exhibited in Ino's article may be of interest to its readers.

The article consists of three parts: a) Ino's classification of the Formosan aborigine groups into tribes is followed by b) a discussion of their state of civilization and finally c) Ino's recommendations for the cultural education of the Formosan aborigines.

Ino disagrees with the practice taken by some recent researchers of concentrating only on the possible origin of the Formosan natives. Instead, he recommends looking at similarities and differences of characteristics among the different tribes on or near the island, and only then perhaps think about the question of a common ancestor. Even if they lack a common ancestor, many tribes have been exposed to other tribes and peoples, so that an optimum analysis should examine a large amount of traits for all of the tribes. Ino also noted that the old Chinese distinction of "dojin" 'natives' into "seiban" [Ed. note: sheng-fan in Mandarin Chinese] and "jukuban" [Ed. note: shou-fan in Mandarin Chinese] is worthless because it was based on politics alone. The current system of common names includes some that are self-assigned, as well as names that were given by others, and carry direct or indirect meaning (which Ino does not discuss in the article).

Ino presents a table with the classification scheme that he came up with. His hierarchy starts with four main groups that are divided into tribes. The tribes again have subcategories called departments -- twenty-four departments total. The first group, the "Altdaiyar" consists of one tribe of the same name (i.e., Altdaiyar) and two departments: the "Tagare Aldaiyar" and the "Daiya Aldaiyar." The second group, "Nakuijo," has two tribes. The first tribe is called "Vonum" [alternative "Nuwannwan"] and has three departments: "Matsuwa Vonum," "Rakubishan Vonum" and "Sekukun." The second tribe, "Tsono," has two departments: "Tsono Omiya" and "Tsono Oiye." Group three, "Kadas," consists of three tribes. The first tribe is the "Tsalise." The second tribe is the "Paiwan," and consists of three departments: "Palisalisao," "Tepomaku" and "Pakulkal." The third tribe is called "Puguma." Finally, the fourth group, "Tanas," has two tribes. The first tribe, the "Amis" has two departments: the "Kowanan Amis" and the "Kaele Amis." The second tribe is by far the largest; it is called "Behpo," and its nine departments are: "Tatsuo," "Shiraya," "Roa," "Pazchke," "Hinapabosa," "Taokasu," "Ketaganan," "Kubawaran" and "Amtonra." When constructing his classification system, Ino stayed on the lower levels and omitted categories like race, branch and stock, as he believes that all the tribes belong in the same upper category. This, however, is not his central point. More interesting to him are the characteristics themselves.

Ino subsequently spends the main part of this report describing the mentality of the Formosan aborigines. He focuses on three main ideas: intelligence, morals and religious beliefs. These together make up fundamental categories in his definition of civilization. He warns readers that the lack of a less or more civilized trait or custom is not sufficient proof in and of itself for judging a people to possess a superior or inferior state of civilization. Rather, these developments are complex and caused by internal as well as external conditions. His example is scalping. Several tribes have not abandoned this custom merely because they recognized the immorality of killing, but for a variety of reasons, and, in some cases, specifically as a result of external pressure.

Ino goes over certain ideas and skills to examine aborigine intelligence. He compares his results with the cultural status of other aboriginal groups who have been studied, such as the Maori, Australian aborigines and Samoans. The Formosans recognize numbers, and even have words for numbers up to 10,000. Although they explain natural phenomena in peculiar ways, it does show that they think about such phenomena. They use stones to make fire and cook with pots, although their metal utensils still come from the Chinese. They go clothed, and women, in particular, are required to cover themselves. The tribes are sedentary, live under a ruler, build huts and have taken up agriculture. They also know of firearms.

Economically they still remain at a very primitive level, as they do not strive to work. Rather, they believe that agricultural success or failure depends upon the help of dead ancestors. The soil they cultivate is insufficient, and as they hardly work the fields, their harvest is too small to feed them. Ino does see the possibility of turning them into a prosperous and industrious cultivators.

Ino perceives a sense for art among the aborigines; they have some artistic skills and manage to produce non-metal tools and goods. Some tribes have even learned metalwork. They make crafts, mainly woodcarvings and decorated cloth. The natives do prefer colors and patterns.

Next, Ino reviews their morals. In contrast to many other tribes, the Formosan aborigines demand a monogamous, permanent marriage between non-blood relatives. Ino therefore finds them morally far advanced to other peoples. They also have many ethical principles. The natives distinguish between work for women and work for men. Relationships within the family are heartfelt and respected. A child will feel a deep duty to avenge his ancestors, if they are killed. Mourning is important, and elders are respected. The aborigines recognize crime and define a misdeed as something in opposition to customary (and more recently accepted) morals. Criminals are punished with traditional sanctions, and the sanction may not exceed commonly accepted standards in harshness. Sanctions can possibly be turned into fines. The chief has the final legal authority in these cases.

Traces of religious feelings are present as well. The aborigines distinguish sleep from death, but believe in the immortal soul. The ghosts of dead people are good or bad sprits, whose apparitions result in dreams. These sprits are responsible for good and bad luck. Ino sees the Formosans as inhabiting a stage in human development towards an ancestral cult, which he sees as a forerunner of religion.

In the third part of the article, Ino discusses precautions that should be taken if the Formosans are to be raised to a higher level of civilization. It is important to keep in mind the fact that he considers the natives as quite advanced. Ino has two main points in this last section. The natives are still free and independent peoples, and they can be called grown-up children. They have no obligation to follow other's cues or rules. More important, they are easily overwhelmed. If a child is confronted with matters that are too complex, he will only develop an animosity toward them. What is healthy for adults can be harmful for children.

The two warnings he gives are deduced from two principles: Never use intimidation or violence; and slowly lead the aborigines towards cultural institutions like administration, law and religion. They would not be able to take up abstract information without prerequisite schooling. Ino also discusses the danger that has been proposed in colonization efforts, i.e., that colonized peoples seem to be extinguished or destroyed by their colonizers. While Ino sees the truth of this statement in examples like Tasmania, he links this danger to the use of violence and intimidation. In contrast, the benevolence of the Japanese emperor will only bring good benefits to the aborigines of Formosa. He sees the cultural education of the natives as a wonderful opportunity for change.

Joest, Wilhelm. "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Eingebornen der Inseln Formosa und Ceram" [Contributions to the knowledge on the aborigines of the islands of Formosa and Ceram]. Verhandlungen der Berliner Gessellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (1882): 53-76. Note: Partial translation in HRAF, AD1, Formosa, #34.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

The article is based on a lecture by Joest. It is divided into two parts, the first (p. 53-63) is on Formosa, the second (63-76) on Ceram. The parts are independent, although there are several parallels in village life and traditions; Joest doesn't compare anything with Formosa. This is a summary only of the part of the article concerning Formosa.

Joest begins by providing general points about the geography and topography of Formosa. Then he gives a brief outline of the history from the period Dutch colonization (in the 17th Century) to the date of his visit. Joest also compares the relatively gentle rule of the Dutch with the problems and violence of the Chinese. He explains that the bad reputation Formosa now has came from the shipwrecks that Formosan natives have plundered, and that this has terrified the Germans out of any plans for colonization.

Next, Joest describes the current situation on the island. The Chinese live on the western half and the natives inhabit the eastern side. He gives a desolate picture of aborigine existence as poor fishermen or in villages in the mountains, decimated by illness, cold, alcohol and ongoing inner-tribal wars. Joest predicts either their eventual extinction or their absorption into the Chinese population in the near future.

The "Pepohoan" race was formed by the intermarriage of Formosan women and Chinese Hakkas. This tribe is very much involved in trade. Also important to their livelihood is camphor; the tribes control the areas of growth and sell passage rights to the Chinese.

Joest then explains the general features of the Chinese administrative structure and the European influence in Formosa, as it relates to trade. After some more economic information, he begins to describe his own voyage.

Joest mainly stayed among the savages of northern Formosa, but by pure chance he came to visit the south, too. When he went ashore in "Amping," the weather became worse. The steamship was unprotected in the bay and left for another port. Until it returned, three weeks later, Joest stayed with a German and explored Chinese ways in "Taiwanfu." His main aim, however, was exploring the life of the tribes in the North, living in the mountains to the southeast of "Tamsui."

Joest spends the rest of the article describing the ways of the "Chin-wan." They live together in villages, divided into tribes, which all have their own name and many also their own language. As the aborigines lack a name for the entire indigenous population, he takes over the Chinese words used by Schetelig, i.e., "Shekwan" and "Chinwan," to distinguish among the native population. "Shekwan," meaning 'half raw,' describes the tribes who have settled on the frontier or the coast, and who have given up scalping. "Chinwan," translated as 'all raw,' is used for those natives who live in the mountains and forests of the interior. Before he turns to the "Chinwan" themselves, Joest discusses possible origins of both groups. He mainly relies on Schetelig and his own comparison of words in "Chinwan" and "Shekwan" languages.

Joest's treatment of the "Chinwan" starts with his laments over poor demographic information, as the Chinese estimates of aborigine populations are useless, he claims. Next, he gives descriptions of their physical appearance, with specific details on height, hair type -- he collected a sample in the village "Tokohan" near the frontier -- build and physiognomy. Joest backtracks to write about the natives' hairstyle, which leads him to decorations. He focuses on tattoos, and gives detailed descriptions of patterns and methods.

After mentioning how easily impressed they were by western things, he discusses "Chinwan" clothing. Their attire changes with the season. During the summer they only wear a kind of loincloth; during the rainy season the natives wear cloth and leather pieces sown together to form jackets. The women wear much more than the men, adding skirts, vests, scarves and something resembling leggings. The men have hats.

Next, Joest writes about their weapons. Originally they depended on bows and arrows and lances but have also taken up Chinese shotguns. Joest describes these guns in more detail and then mentions that their marksmanship is bad. Another native item, a net, serves as a backpack for everything, even for carrying scalps. However, it is the women who carry the heavy loads.

Their decorations and accessories consist of European glass pearls, threads and bamboo sticks, stones, shells, copper rings, bandannas, and necklaces with animal teeth. Most popular with young men are bracelets of hair taken from a scalped Chinese head. Although there are Jew's harps and choirs, the "Chinwan" apparently don't dance.

Joest then turns to describe their villages, which are mostly found in the woods. They protect themselves by placing sharp bamboo sticks on the paths leading to the village. Houses are made of slate or bamboo, while the roof is straw or grass. Meals are cooked over fires in the middle of the hut. Pallets and mats serve as beds.

As for work division, men hunt, fish and go to war, while women cultivate the fields; cook; take care of clothing, huts and village; and accompany the men on hunts, in order to take the meat home.

Guests are served by the women. Their food consists of millet, rice, potatoes, meat and fish. Originally there was a traditional fermented beverage, but now the tribes have taken to Chinese "samshu." Joest's gift of alcohol was highly popular, and he was invited to drink with them often -- toasting fraternity. (That ritual is described in this section of the text.) Tobacco is popular, and in the south chewing betel nut is common.

All unmarried men sleep in a common building, which also serves as the location for major festivities.

Relations between the tribes are difficult. Although they constantly feud with each other, several tribes often join forces, especially against the Chinese. Joest describes these wars as quite bloody. Scalping plays an important role in battles, but it is not a prerequisite for a young man intending to marry. Polygamy does not exist, but divorces are simple. Many "Chinwan" girls marry Chinese men.

Joest did not find any evidence of cannibalism but mentions that Dr. Pickering, who knows a lot about the "Chinwan," did claim it to exist. Joest gives some rules and procedures for "Chinwan" battles. As the tribes constantly are fighting, there is no lack of opportunity for warfare.

Their religion is reportedly primitive; the villages have a specific animal that protects them. The "Chinwan" practice many taboos; things that should not be touched or taken are called "hiang." Old women take the role of priests. They have a lot of power and perform ritual dances in rich costumes. (Here Joest gives a detailed description.) The tribes believe in omens and signs, especially from birds. One tradition, which Joest bemoans, is aborting all babies born to women prior to reaching to the age of 34 or 37. Together with high infant mortality and the smallpox brought in by the Chinese, a grow in "Chinwan" population is improbable.

Joest favorably portrays their character, calling them friendly and modest. As long as Europeans came with peaceful intentions, they aren't murdered. Although he was the object of much curiosity, Joest always experienced them as kind and interested.

He closes his article with a suggestion for the missionaries in Formosa: If they would leave the comfortable cities, they would find a place of success in these native villages. Most don't enter the territories of the "Chinwan."

Kurze, G. "Missionar G. Edes Reise durch das östliche Formosa" [Missionary G. Ede's travels through eastern Formosa]. Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft (für Thuringen) zu Jena 10 (1891): 22-32; 11 (1892): 13-21.

Summary by Tina Schneider.

The article is based on G. Ede's journal entries. The introduction also provides a brief introduction to Formosa. Its west coast had been subject to English and Canadian Presbyterian missionary activity since 1865 and 1872, respectively. The eastern coast at this time is inhabited mainly by aboriginal tribes and hardly visited by Europeans. The English missionary teacher G. Ede traveled through eastern Formosa between 18 December 1889 and 19 February 1890.

The article continues with a geographical and demographic description of eastern Formosa, in particular the mountain ranges of central and eastern Formosa and the valley "Lai-pen-po," situated between the coastal range and the first interior mountain range. The inhabitants can be classified into two main groups, the Chinese-speaking population (containing Chinese and the aboriginal tribe called the "Pên-po-hoan," who migrated from the west coast) and non-Chinese-speaking tribes. The latter group is divided further into a) uncivilized savages from the mountains and b) marginally civilized savages from the foothills, of which most are known as "A-mi-a." Kurze mentions the plans of the Chinese government to establish a separate administrative department in eastern Formosa and discusses various possible sites for the future center of administration.

The description of Ede's voyage itself is very detailed. Ede began his trip on 18 December in "Taiwanfoo" on the western coast, the administrative center of the Chinese government as well as the base for the English Presbyterian Mission. Two native helpers and several Formosan Christians accompanied him. On the first evening, he arrived in "Lam-a-ken," a village with a small Christian community to the south-southwest. Ede continued southwards and passed a mountain called "Phoa-peng-soan" ['mountain cut in half']. The myth about the origin of this name is described. Towards nightfall, the company crossed a river, and spent the night at the Christian chapel "Kiam-po-a" nearby.

On 20 December the group followed the "Tang-kang" River northwards [Trans. note: alternative translation: 'which usually travels northwards'] to the city of the same name, Tang-kang. There they bought supplies for their voyage through the high mountains and continued eastwards to "Tek-a-kha."

They continued in the same direction the next day to the village "Pun-ki-o," situated at the foot of the main mountain range, where they stayed the night and the next day (Sunday) at the home of one of the native missionary helpers.

On 23 December, after one and one-half-hours' walk, they arrived at the road leading over the mountains "San-tiau-leng" ['mountains with three backs']. Kurze describes Ede's climb over these mountains and the problems encountered in great detail. Shortly after midday Ede arrived at the first Chinese military post, which secures the still endangered connection between eastern and western Formosa. The caravan continued upward to the next military post, where they arrived that night. Shortly before they reached the post, Ede saw a savage village down in the valley with a smaller hamlet next to it, which at first glance he mistakenly thought was a cemetery, because of the slate they used for decking the house roofs. Conversations at the post were limited to sign language; none of the group could communicate with the savages. They were called "Paiwang," and are characterized as proud and resembling a scalp-hunting society.

The next day, 24 December, they crossed the actual mountain pass, and arrived at the next post a few hours later. This post was situated at 7700 fuss [feet? using an older German measurement here], and they had to cross at the entrance to the jungle. The next segment of their route passed through the territory of the "Kui-a-nng" tribe. At 11 o'clock the group reached the culminating point of the road. Ede's barometer, which wasn't too reliable, measured 8300 [feet]. From this point he could distinguish "Tokow" in the distance, and further to the south, in the Formosa straits, the outlines of the island "Lombay." After crossing a plateau, they stood at an abyss, next to which the next military station was situated. To the east they could distinguish the contours of a high mountain range against the Pacific Ocean. Around midday they reached the military station, and continued onward after a short break. Bad weather conditions and savages lurking along the path prolonged their descent; they arrived at the next military post after nightfall.

On the next day, they continued their descent, with Ede leading way ahead of the others. He met savages waiting in ambush but disarmed them by his fearlessness. Together they went on until they came to a valley turning onto the beach. A river passed through the valley, which they followed to the village "Pa-long-ui." There they saw a number of houses built in a Chinese fashion belonging to "Hakkas," who had settled there on account of the fertile soil. Ede continued towards the beach, and they encamped at the point where the river met the ocean.

From here their route led northwards along the coast, a voyage of two days through dunes and along cliffs. Apparently there were two reasons for the Chinese government to install military stations along this road next to the sea leading to the port of "Po-chong" (Pohson): a) to protect against savage attacks and b) to prote