Of Empire and Emperors: Tacitus and the Writing of History
The Career of P. Cornelius Tacitus
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Tacitus |
Dates |
Emperors |
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Nero (54-68) |
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Birth of Cornelius Tacitus |
c. A.D. 56/7 |
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A.D. 68 |
Galba (68-69) |
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A.D. 69 |
Otho (69) |
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Vitellius (69) |
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Vespasian (69-79) |
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Marriage to daughter of Cn. Iulius Agricola (Agr. 9.6) |
A.D. 77 |
Titus (79-81) |
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Domitian (81-96) |
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Quaestorship (Agr. 9.6) |
A.D. 81/82 |
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Quindecimvir Sacris Faciundis (Tac. Ann. 11.11.1) |
Pre-A.D. 88 (?) |
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Praetorship (Ann. 11.11.1) |
A.D. 88 |
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Legionary Legate (?) |
A.D. 89-91 |
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Governor of minor province (?) |
A.D. 92 |
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Suffect Consul |
A.D. 97 |
Nerva (96-98) |
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Publishes Agricola and Germania |
A.D. 98 |
Trajan (98-117) |
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Publishes Dialogue on Orators |
c. A.D. 102 |
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Publication of the Histories |
Post-A.D. 102 |
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Governor of Asia |
A.D. 112-113 |
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Publication of the Annales |
c.115 |
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Death |
c.117 |
Hadrian (117-137) |
C. Tacitus and the Writing of History
i. The Annalistic Tradition
The names of the chief annual magistrates, the consuls, listed at the beginning of each year, together with other items of public business that recur more or less regularly throughout the history of the Republic. Cornell, T. J. (1995) The Early History of Rome, London ,13.
Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius were elected the next consuls. This year was noteworthy for the news of Tarquins death. He died at Cumae, where he had taken refuge with the tyrant Aristodemus after the defeat of the Latin coalition. The senators were cheered by this news, as were the plebs. But the senators joy proved excessive, for the leading men began to mistreat the plebs, whose interests up to that time they had wholeheartedly served. In that same year the Colony of Signia that King Tarquin had founded was refounded by the addition of new colonists. At Rome twenty-one tribes were created. The Temple of Mercury was dedicated on 15th May. Livy, AUC 2.21.
I am well aware that in these days no portents are ever reported officially or noted in our histories. This is the result of the same lack of interest in religion that makes men in general take it for granted that the gods give no warning of things to come. Nevertheless, my own outlook, as I write about events in time gone by, becomes in some way old-fashioned; and apart from that, a certain conscientious scruple restrains me from considering unworthy of record in my history, things which the wisest men of those days regarded as demanding official action.
At Anagnia, two prodigies were reported in that year, a comet blazing in the sky, and a talking cow; this animal, it was stated, was being kept at public expense. At Minturnae also at that time the sky gave the sky the appearance of being on fire; at Reate there was a rain of stones; at Cumae the Apollo on the citadel wept for three days and nights. In the city of Rome two temple-keepers reported prodigies: one said that a crested snake had been seen by many people in the temple of Fortune; the other reported two different prodigies in the temple of Fortuna Primigenia on the Quirinal Hill: a palm had sprung up in the courtyard, and blood had rained down during the day.
In view of these public portents the Sacred Books were consulted by the Board of Ten; they officially announced the names of the gods to whom the consuls were to offer sacrifice with the greater victims; they also gave out that a day of public prayer should be observed, that all the magistrates should sacrifice the greater victims at al the seats of the gods, and that the people should wear wreaths. (Livy 43.13.1-6)
ii. Tacitus on the Historical Process
Famous writers have recorded Romes early glories and disasters. The Augustan Age, too, had its distinguished historians. But then the rising tide of flattery exercised a deterrent effect. The reigns of Tiberius, Gaius, Claudius, and Nero were described during their lifetimes in fictitious terms, for fear of the consequences; whereas the accounts written after their deaths were influenced by still raging animosities. So I have decided to say a little about Augustus, with special reference to his last period, and then go on to the reign of Tiberius and what followed. I shall write without indignation or partisanship: in my case the customary incentives to these are lacking. Tacitus, Annals 1.2 (pp. 31-32)
iii. The Influence of Rhetoric
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Sallust Iugurtha 101.11 |
Tacitus, Agricola 37.2-3 |
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Then a dreadful sight was to be seen on the open plains; pursuit, flight, slaughter, capture; horses and men cut down, and many with wounds unable to escape or to remain still, now struggling to get to their feet, now falling back again; in short, as far as the eye could see, everywhere strewn with weapons, arms, corpses, and between them the ground stained with blood. |
Then on the open plains there was a great and terrible scene; pursuit, wounding, prisoners taken, then murdered, as others offered. Now as each was inclined, armed masses of the enemy turned tail before smaller numbers, while some charged unarmed against the Romans and offered themselves up to death. Everywhere arms and bodies and mangled limbs and the ground soaked in blood; and at times even among the vanquished fury and valour. |
Others had been carried to Britain, and were sent back by its chieftains. Men coming from these remote regions told strange stories of hurricanes, unknown birds, sea-monsters, and shapes half-human and half-animal, which they had seen or in their terror imagined (Tac. Ann. 2.24.6)
But within the narrative portion of his work, there are two ways in which literary technique is conspicuously employed to influence the readers judgment. Both work by implication rather than overt association. Tacitus, the trained orator, was well aware that insinuation is often the most effective means of persuasion. The first category concerns words or phrases of Tacitus own selection, the second class one far more difficult for us to come to terms with as a legitimate device of the historian is the adaptation from earlier writers of phrases that are meant to import into the Tacitean passage something (but not all) of their original meaning. Martin (1981) Tacitus, 224-225.
D. Tacitus on Empire and Emperors
i. The Character of Imperial Rule
Eulogies indeed, were written by Arulenus Rusticus and Herennius Senecio the one, of Thrasea Paetus; the other of Helvidius Priscus. But both were treated as capital offences, and the savage rage of their enemies was vented upon the books as well as upon their authors. The public executioners, under official instructions, made a bonfire in the Comitium and Forum of those masterpieces of literary art. So much is in the record. In those fires doubtless the Government imagined that it could silence the voice of Rome and annihilate the freedom of the Senate and mens knowledge of the truth. They even went on to banish the professors of philosophy and exile all honourable accomplishments, so that nothing decent might anywhere confront them. We have indeed set up a record of subservience. Rome of old explored the utmost limits of freedom; we have plumbed the depths of slavery, robbed as we are by informers even of the right to exchange ideas in conversation. We should have lost our memories as well as our tongues had it been as easy to forget as to be silent. Tacitus, Agricola 2.
Agricola had to deal with people living in isolation and ignorance, and therefore prone to fight; and his object was to accustom them to a life of peace and quiet by the provision of amenities. He therefore gave private encouragement and official assistance to the building of temples, public squares, and good houses. He praised the energetic and scolded the slack; and competition for honour proved as effective as compulsion. Furthermore, he educated the sons of the chiefs in the liberal arts, and expressed a preference for British ability as compared with the trained skills of the Gauls. The result was that instead of loathing the Latin language they became eager to speak it effectively. In the same way, the national dress came into favour and the toga was everywhere to be seen. And so the population was gradually led into the demoralizing temptations of colonnades, baths, and sumptuous banquets. The unsuspecting Britons spoke of such novelties as civilization, when in fact they were only a feature of their enslavement. Tacitus, Agricola 21.
Now, the farthest bounds of Britain lie open to our enemies; and what men know nothing about they always assume to be a valuable prize. But there are no more nations beyond us; nothing is there but waves and rocks, and the Romans, more deadly still than these for in them is an arrogance which no submission or good behaviour can escape. Pillagers of the world, they have exhausted the land by their indiscriminate plunder, and now they ransack the sea. A rich enemy excites their cupidity; a poor one, their lust for power. East and West alike have failed to satisfy them. They are the only people on earth to whose covetousness both riches and poverty are equally tempting. To robbery, butchery, and rapine, they give the lying name of government; they create a desolation and call it peace. Tacitus, Agricola 30.
Upper class survivors found that slavish obedience was the way to succeed, both politically and financially (Tac. Ann. 1.1 p. 32).
ii. Tiberius
'The first crime of the new principate was the assassination of Agrippa Postumus. He was killed by a centurion who found it a hard task, although he was intent on murder and the victim was taken by surprise. Tiberius said nothing about this matter in the Senate. He pretended that the orders came from Augustus, who was alleged to have instructed the commander in charge to kill Agrippa Postumus as soon as Augustus himself was dead. It is true that Augustus' scathing criticisms were undoubtedly what had prompted the senate to decree his banishment. But the emperor had never been callous enough to kill any of his relations, and that he should murder his own grandchild to remove the worries of his stepson seemed incredible. It would be nearer to the truth to suppose that Tiberius through fear and Livia through the malevolence of a stepmother, loathed and distrusted Agrippa Postumus and got rid of him at the first opportunity. But when the centurion reported in military fashion that he had carried out his orders, Tiberius answered that he had given no orders and that what the centurion had done would have to be accounted for in the Senate.' Tacitus, Annals 1.4 .
[Tiberius] and the Augusta made no public appearance. Either they considered open mourning beneath their dignity, or they feared that the public gaze would detect insincerity on their faces. Tacitus, Annals 3.3.1 (p. 120)
He had a relapse aggravated by the belief that Piso had poisoned him. Examination of the floor and walls of his bedroom revealed the remains of human bodies, spells, curses, lead tablets inscribed with the patients name, charred and bloody ashes, and other malignant objects which are supposed to consign souls to the powers of the tomb. At the same agents of Piso were accused of spying on the sickbed. Tacitus, Annals 2.69 (p. 112)
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Senatus Consultum De Pisone 109-120 |
Tacitus, Annals 3.17-18 p.127 |
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As regards the case of Plancina, against whom a great many extremely serious charges were brought because she admits that all her hope resides in the mercy of our princeps and the Senate, and because our princeps has often and zealously requested from this order that the Senate, content with punishing Cn. Piso senior, spare his wife as it is sparing his son Marcus, and himself pleaded for Plancina at the request of his mother and accepted the very just reasons that had been put to him by her for his indulgence should be accorded to Julia Augustus who has served the state supremely not only in giving birth to our princeps but also through her many great favours toward men of every order, and who, although she rightly and deservedly ought to have supreme influence in making a request of the Senate, yet uses that influence most sparingly-and to the supreme devotion of our princeps toward his mother; and it is the Senates pleasure that Plancinas penalty be waived. |
Two days were spent on the sham investigation of Plancina. Tiberius encouraged Pisos sons to defend their mother. But accusers and witnesses competed in their attacks, and no one answered. People felt sorry for her rather than hostile. The consul Marcus Aurelius Cotta Maximus Messallinus was asked to speak first The consuls proposal was that Pisos name should be deleted from the calendar; that half his property should be confiscated and the other half allowed to his son Cnaeus, who should change his first name; that Marcus Piso should be deprived of his rank and sent away for ten years, with a subsidy of ten million sesterces; and that owing to the Augustas pleas Plancina should be pardoned. The emperor reduced the proposed penalties in various respects he would not have Pisos name removed from the calendar, when it still contained the names of Antony, who had made war on his country, and his son Iullus Antonius, who had outraged Augustus family. Tiberius excused Marcus from degradation and allowed him his fathers property. For, as I have often mentioned, he was no miser, and now his shame at Plancinas acquittal increased his leniency. |
Plancina was equally loathed, but she had more influence. So it was doubted how far Tiberius could act against her. As long as Pisos fate was uncertain, she swore she would share whatever happened to him, and if necessary die with him. But the Augustas private appeals secured her pardon.
E. Conclusion
Practically no one had ever seen truly Republican government. The country had been transformed, and there was nothing left of fine old Roman character. Political equality was a thing of the past; all eyes watched for imperial commands. Tacitus, Annals 1.2 (p.33).
Bibliography
Ginsburg, J. (1984) Tradition and Theme in the Annals of Tacitus. Salem, N.H.
Martin, R. (1981) Tacitus. London.
Walker, B. (1951) The Annals of Tacitus. A Study in the Writing of History. Manchester.
Wiseman, T.P. (1981) Practice and theory in ancient historiography Historia 66, 375-393.
Woodman, A. (1988) Rhetoric in Classical Historiography. London.
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